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RERUM BRITANNICARUM MEDII AVI 
SCRIPTORES, 


OR 


CHRONICLES AND MEMORIALS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
AND IRELAND 


DURING 


THE MIDDLE AGES. 


THE ÇHRONICLES AND MEMORIALS 
GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 
DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. 


PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHORITY OF HER MAJESTY 8 TREASURY, UNDER THE 
DIRECTION OF THE MASTER OF THE ROLLS. 








On the 26th of January 1857, the Master of the Rolls 
submitted to the Treasury a proposal for the publication 
of materials for the History of this Country from the 
Invasion of the Romans to the Reign of Henry VIII. 


The Mastér of the Rolls suggested that these materials 
should be selected for publication under competent editors 
without reference to periodical or chronological arrange- 
ment, without mutilation or abridgment, preference being 
given, in the first instance, to such materials as were most 
scarce and valuable. 


He proposed that each chronicle or historical document 
to be edited should be treated in the same way as if the 
editor were engaged on an Editio Princeps ; and for this 
purpose the most correct text should be formed from an 
accurate collation of the best MSS. 


To render the work more generally useful, the Master 
of the Rolls suggested that the editor should give an 
account of the MSS. employed by him, of their age and 
their peculiarities ; that he should add to the work a brief 
account of the life and times of the author, and any 
remarks necessary to explain the chronology ; but no other 
note or comment was to be allowed, except what might be 
necessary to establish the correctness of the text. 


4 
The works to be published in octavo, separately, as 
they were finished ; the whole responsibility of the task 


resting upon the editors, who were to be chosen by the 
Master of the Rolls with the sanction of the Treasury. 


The Lords of Her Majesty’s Treasury, after a careful 
consideration of the subject, expressed their opinion in a 
Treasury Minute, dated February 9, 1857, that the plan 
recommended by the Master of the Rolls “was well 
calculated for the accomplishment of this important 
national object, in an effectual and satisfactory manner, 
within a reasonable time, and provided proper attention be 
paid to economy, in making the detailed arrangements, 
without unnecessary expense.” 


They expressed their approbation of the proposal that 
each chronicle and historical document should be edited 
in such a manner as to represent with all possible correct- 
ness the text of each writer, derived from a collation of the 
best MSS., and that no notes should be added, except 
such as were illustrative of the various readings. They 
suggested, however, that the preface to each work should 
contain, in addition to the particulars proposed by the 
Master of the Rolls, a biographical account of the author, 
so far as authentic materials existed for that purpose, and 
an estimate of his historical credibility and value. 


In compliance with the order of the Treasury, the 
Master of the Rolls has selected for publication for the 
present year such works as he considered best calculated 
to fill up the chasms existing in the printed materials of 
English history ; and of these works the present is one. 


Rolls House, 
December 1857. 


MEMORIALS 


OF 


KING HENRY THE SEVENTH. 


HISTORIA 


REGIS HENRICI SEPTIMI, 
A 
BERNARDO ANDREA THOLOSATE 


CONSCRIPTA; 


NECNON ALIA QUÆDAM AD EUNDEM REGEM SPECTANTIA. 


EDITED 


BY 


JAMES GAIRDNER. 


PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHORITY OF THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF HER MAJESTY’S 
TREASURY, UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE MASTER OF THE ROLLS, 


e*e © 
* *F 8&8 @8@ 





LONDON: 
LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, LONGMANS, AND ROBERTS. 


1858. 
Co 


217314 


Printed by 
Bras and Srorriswoops, Her Majesty’s Printers. 
For Her Majesty's Stationery Office. 


CONTENTS. 


WMAn 


Page 

PREFACE - - - - - vii 

BERNARDI ANDREÆ ViTA HENRict VII. - - 3 

. , ANNALES Hennict VII - - 777 

Les Douze Triompues DE HENRY VII. - - 131 
JOURNALS AND REPORTS oF AMBASSADORS, &c.:— 

Journals of Roger Machado: 

1. Embassy to Spain and Portugal - - 157 

2. First Embassy to Britanny . - - 200 

3. Second Embassy to Britanny - - - 211 


Report of Ambassadors touching the Queen of Naples 223 
3 9 King of Arragon 240 
A Narrative of the Reception of Philip King of 


Castile in England in 1506 - - - 282 
TRANSLATIONS :— 
The Twelve Triumphs of Henry VII. : - 307 
Journals of Roger Machado :— 
1. Embassy to Spain and Portugal - - 328 
2. First Embassy to Britanny - - - - 3869 
3. Second Embassy to Britanny - - - 3879 
APPENDIX  - - : : - 391 
GLOSSARY - - - - - - 449 


InpDEx = . - . - 455 


PREFACE. 


PPP PP PSP St 


THE contents of the present volume are writings 
illustrative of the time of Henry the Seventh from 


Scarcity of 
historical 
materials 


the pens of his contemporaries. In no period of the for the 


English annals are the sources of history so scanty. 
Since the days of Chaucer English literature had de- 
clined, and become a perfect blank. There was not 
a poet even of Lydgate’s standing. There was hardly 
an original prose writer whose name survives at this 
day. The monkish chronicles generally cease long before 
the close of the fifteenth century ; and there is nothing 
to supply their place for some time after. 

It is true, there were countervailing influences from 
- abroad. The study of ancient learning was beginning 
to revive. Italy had sent forth eminent scholars, and 
classical literature was admired and imitated. The 
movement spread from South to North, giving a new 
vitality to thought in every country where it was re- 
ceived ; but it was late in reaching England. At the 
commencement of the Tudor period, the only writers 
of note were one or two foreigners who wrote in 
Latin, and it is from their works, not from the works 
of Englishmen, that we derive our principal knowledge 
of the history of the times. 


reign of 


Henry VIL. 


Contempo- 
rary au- 
thorities. 


Life of 


Vill PREFACE. 


Of these foreign writers Polydore Vergil and Bernard 
André chiefly claim the historian’s attention. Fabyan 
is almost the only other, either English or foreign, 
who is used as an authority ; and his information is 
meagre in the extreme. The later chronicle of Hall, 
so far as it relates to this reign, is little more than a 
translation of Polydore Vergil; and Polydore, though 
he was in England in Henry the Seventh’s time, could 
not have written much of his history before the suc- 
ceeding reign. As a strictly contemporary record, 
therefore, of the days of Henry the Seventh, the 
historical writings of Bernard André may be said to 
stand alone. 

Of the life of this author very little is known.’ His 
own writings show that he was a native of Tou- 
louse, and a friar of the order of St. Augustine. One 
of his contemporaries* tells us he came of a distin- 
guished family. He probably came into England along 
with Henry VII.; for he was not there during the 
Wars of the Roses,> but was present at Henry's 
triumphant entry into London after Bosworth field. 
He was blind, whether from infancy or not we have 
no means of judging, but certainly from the earliest 
time at which we have any notice of his being in 
England ;* and this fact he frequently alludes to in 
his writings, excusing himself for not describing more 
fully things which his privation had made him incapable 
of witnessing. But whether blind in youth or not, he 
evidently must have had the advantage of excellent 


ee 


1The notices of him in Bale, ? Johannes Opicius, who describes 


Pamphilus, Crusenius, Elssius, and | him as “ ortu claro,” MS. 
others, are all extremely inaccurate ® See p. 19. 


and unsatisfactory. Tanner is only ; 
a little more full, having gathered See pp. 32, 35. 
some notes of his preferments from 


episcopal registers. 


PREFACE. 1x 


tuition. His poems, though certainly not imaginative, 
show at least that he was very well read in classic 
authors. In his prose, also, he indulges in frequent 
quotations, which may be taken as evidence alike of 
his taste and of his retentive memory. 

By what means he was first introduced to king 
Henry’s notice we are not informed, but there seems 
a reasonable presumption that it was through the 
instrumentality of Fox, afterwards bishop of Win- 
chester, whom he calls his Mæcenas! Fox had been 
employed by Henry before he came to the crown in 
soliciting from Charles VIII. of France the assistance 
which enabled him to obtain it, and it may be pre- 
sumed that André first became acquainted with his 
patron in his own native country. 

Shortly after his accession, Henry VII. made him His ap- 
his poet laureate. He was also engaged in a tutorial Popment 
capacity at Oxford. In consideration of the benefit Laureate. 
which many had derived from his teaching there was 
granted to him, in November 1486, a pension of 10 
marks a year until he should obtain from the crown 
church preferment of a similar value. This pension 
he continued to hold for at least ten years; for in 
1496 we meet with a warrant in Rymer® authorizing 
the treasurer and chamberlain of the Exchequer to 
pay him his 10 marks for the current year in a 
single payment, instead of 5 marks half yearly, as usual. 

But at length church preferment came. On the 4th His pro- 
of April 1498, the bishop of Lincoln conferred upon "°° 
him the hospital of St. Leonard’s, Bedford, which he 
resigned the following year.‘ On the 31st of De- 
cember 1500 he was presented by the king to the 


— me 


1 See p. 33. | 3 Vol. xii. p. 643. 
2See MS. Addit. 4617, Brit. + Tanner. 

Mas., f. 133. (Rymer's Transcripts); 

also Rymer, vol. xii. p. 317. 


x PREFACE. 


parish church of Guysnes near Calais; and after- 
wards obtained from the abbot of Glastonbury the 
living of Higham’, to which he was instituted on 
the 21st of October 1501. This last he resigned in 
the beginning of 1505; but when the living was 
granted away again, a pension of 241. a year was 
reserved for his benefit. 

Nor was Bernard neglected at court; for it appears 
from the privy purse expenses of Henry VII. that 
donations of money were made to him on various 
occasions,* probably on the presentation of his several 
effusions. Whether Henry was a real admirer of lite- 
rature, or only a rewarder of compliments, he showed 
himself no illiberal patron to the poets who presented 
themselves before him. In 1506 he gave André the 
sum of 100 shillings as a new year’s gift; and the 
present was repeated every new year’s day, both by 
Henry and his successor, till at least as late as the year 
1521. Doubtless it was continued till his death, what- 
ever may have been the date of that event, but the 
books are not extant by which we might trace it 
later down. In the entries of these payments which still 
remain he is called “ Master Barnard the blind poet.” * 

In the year 1496, as we may judge,° he was ap- 
pointed tutor to Arthur prince of Wales, then about 
ten years of age, and from that time forward appears 
to have had the care of his education. On the 19th of 
May 1499, he was a witness of his pupil’s marriage 
by proxy to Catherine of Arragon, at Bewdley in 


1 His predecessor, according to ? Excerpta Historica, pp. 109, 124. 
Tanner, was Richard Nikham, who ® See other entries in the same 
resigned it on being elevated to the | accounts, pp. 108, 110, &c. 
episcopal dignity. I can find no * Chapter House Books, A. 5. 16. 
bishop of that name, but presume | —A. 5. 18., in the Public Record 
it was Richard Nix, who was just | Office. 
at that time promoted to the see of ® See p. 4. 

Norwich. 


PREFACE. x1 


Worcestershire. We also find that in the title of his 
Life of Henry the Seventh he calls himself the royal 
historiographer. He began this work in the year 1500, 
having, as he himself tells us, shortly before retired from 
court, with the view, partly of giving rest to his mind 
after many sorrows, and partly of resuming studies from 
which, he says, an evil ambition had kept him back. 
His task, however, could not have been prosecuted 
steadily. The mention of Michael Dyacon, bishop of 
St. Asaph, at page 33, proves that part of the work 
to have been written in 1500, while Dyacon was still 
alive; but the allusion to the death of prince Arthur, 
only six pages further on (p. 39), must have been written 
at the very earliest in April 1502. The preface and 
preliminary matter must also have been composed and 
prefixed to the work after Arthur’s death.* 


Writes the 
Life of 
Henry VU. 


In this preface he intimates his intention of present- Intended 
ing yearly to the king some literary effort, greater or Yearly © 
less according to the fertility of his genius for the time work for 
being, which might be accepted as the tenths and first °° kins: 


and pro- 


fruits of his leisure. This intention he appears to have bably did 


fulfilled by writing yearly an account of the principal ™ 
occurrences of the time; but of these compositions, 
unfortunately, only two of Henry VIL’s time are known 
to be extant. They will be found in this volume after 
the Life. We have other two written in the suc- 
ceeding reign, the one in 1515, presented to Henry VIII. 
on entering the seventh year of his reign,® and the 
other in 1521, wishing prosperity to the thirteenth.‘ 
Neither of these compositions is of much importance. 
Tanner mentions another MS. dedicated to Henry VIIT, 





' See Rymer, xn. 759. work began originally with the 
7See the following passage at | chapter, De loco ubi natus est. 
p. 8: “ Wallenses, quibus Arturus * MS., New Coll., Oxon. 
secundus antenominati regis pri- ‘MS. Reg. 12 A. x, British 
mogenitus princeps cum hac scri- | Museum. 
berem dominabatur.” I suppose the 


XU PREFACE. 


which appears also to belong to the series of his annual 
presentations. It was written in the beginning of the 
tenth year of that reign (in 1518), and accompanied 
with an epithalamium for the intended marriage of 
the king’s daughter Mary with the dauphin Francis 
(son of Francis I.) This was in Tanner’s days in 
the possession of Thomas Martin of Palgrave, the 
antiquary. 

His fame as an author appears to have been great 
in his own day. Besides these historical writings, he 
is mentioned by Bishop Bale as the author of a col- 
lection of Hymns for the entire year in three books, 
and a life of St. Andrew the Apostle. A sermon on 
the feast of St. Dominic is also attributed to him, 
which exists in MS. at Rome. It is said that his 
name appears with the addition of “juris utriusque 
doctor” in a register of the Augustinian Order of the 
year 1514.! 

According to Crusenius in his Monasticon Augusti- 
nianum, he was also made “ Regius Orator” (whatever 
that may have been,) and keeper of the king’s library 
and printing office ;* but the authority for this is not 
stated, and one can hardly suppose the latter office to 
have been conferred upon a blind man. Another fact 
mentioned by Crusenius has more internal probability, 
when we consider that André was prince Arthur's tutor 
in grammar, and probably his brother Henry’s also. 
It was by André, we are told, that Henry VIII. 
was induced to write his famous book against Luther 


erm ee mn rr ee ee + =. w= eee ee - 


1 Thomas de Herrera, in Alpha- | “ und beyden Rechten Doctor ge- 
beto Augustiniano, t i, p.114. So | “ nennet wird.” 
also in a notice of him in Jücher's * “ Regis Bibliothecæ necnon ty- 
Gelehrten-Lexicon,—“ Er scheinet | ‘“ pographeio prefectus accuratis- 
‘“ eben derjenige zu seyn welcher | “ simus.” Mic. Crusenius in Mo- 
‘‘ in den Ordens-Acten von 1514. | nastico Augustiniano, p. 192. 
‘ Magister Bernardus Tolosanus 


PREFACE. xiii 
which gained for him the title of Defender of the 
Faith.’ 

The date of André’s death is unknown. The last 
date at which we know him to have been alive is 1521, 
and he probably died not long after. Bale says he 
was nearly 60 in 1510, on what authority does not 
appear; but be certainly must have numbered many 
years. In his presentation treatise of 1521 he makes 
marked allusion to his increased infirmities? He is 
believed to have died in London, and been buried in 
the cemetery of the Austin Friars, the house to which 
he belonged. 

The works of Bernard André printed in this volume The Mgs. 
are, first, his Life of Henry VII, extending down to or his 
the capture of Perkin Warbeck, and, secondly, the 
two smaller pieces giving an account of the events 
of Henry’s 20th and 23d years, which appear to have 
been portions of a continuation of the Life. They are 
all derived from unique MSS. in the Cottonian 
library, and are all written on the same size of paper, 

a small quarto. The Life is contained in the volume 
Domitian XvItl. (ff. 126-228) ; the narrative of the 20th 
year in Julius A Iv., and that of the 23d in Julius 
A. 111. As the author was blind, he must have dic- 
tated his compositions to an amanuensis, and not one 


1 Nic. Crusenius, ibid. 

34 Quid potest homo ætate ista 
decrepita ad florentissimum Regem 
perferre nisi quod ante solebat, 
Musarum corollas et thymiamata 
sancta recensere?  Profecto nil 
aliud prestare possum hoc tem- 
pore, sapientissime Rex, nisi stu- 
dium quod ante intenderam, dispari 
tamen exordio. Nam tunc a juve- 
nilibus annis ad seniores, nunc a 
vetustis, imo vetustissimorum ex- 


tremis, cogor inire mϾstos modos ; 
et unde processerit hæc mutatio 
Excelsi dicant qui sciunt. Ego enim 
juxta mcduli mei exiguitatem lo- 
quor; alii(?) non equidem, utcumque 
est pro antiquo et deditissimo officii 
mei, in exordio hujus anni præsen- 
tis non pro panegyrico sed ex- 
temporali quadam inter ægrotantes 
profusione, dicta velim accipienda ex 
uno et eodem valetudinario.” 


XIV PREFACE. 


of them can be an autograph; but they are probably 
the identical copies that he presented to the king. 
They are each written in a different hand, but in 
very clear distinct writing, with few decorations of 
any kind. The Life has two coloured initials, one at 
the commencement of the dedication and the other 
at the commencement of the preface; and spaces 
are left in other places for similar embellishments. 
The 20th year has one coloured initial only ; the 23d 
has marginal notes, and the commencement of the 
dedication engrossed in coloured ink. All these MSS. 
are very legible, except where they have suffered from 
the fire in the Cottonian library. This has not been 
the case to any visible extent with the volume Domi- 
tian XVIII, the edges of which may perhaps have been a 
little singed, but have since been shaved by the binder. 
The volumes Julius A. III. and Iv., however, have both 
suffered in a marked degree, particularly the former ; 
though less from the fire itself than from the water 
used to extinguish it. In many places the marginal 
notes in Julius A. 111. and the text in Julius A. Iv. 
have become very faint and illegible from this cause. 
An injury was done to them, however, even before that 
date, as it appears in one instance, in the misplace- 
ment of several of their leaves, which I found in a 
wrong order when I transcribed them. Since then 
the volumes have been rebound and the leaves 
placed in their proper order, except in the instance 
noted at p. 126. 

The handwriting and general appearance of each of 
the three MSS. may be seen in the carefully executed 
facsimiles in this volume. — 

wees not. 2+ is possible that the MS. Julius A. rv., containing 
first the annal of the twentieth year, may be the very MS. 
draughts, written to the author's dictation; but the other two 
are probably, indeed one of them certainly is, a tran- 
script only. There are errors in both which look 


PREFACE. XV 


much like those of transcribers! ; but in the MS. of 
the Life we have also other evidence. That the pre- 
face of that work must have been composed after the 
work itself is evident from the mention made in the 
former of Prince Arthur as dead; while the year in 
which the work was commenced is distinctly dated as 
1500, and in that year Arthur was alive. But it is 
quite clear that in the existing MS. the preface was 
the first thing written. There is no possibility that it 
could have been afterwards prefixed; for it is not 
written on a separate sheet of paper, and no change 
whatever is perceptible in the character of the hand- 
writing between the end of the preface and. the begin- 
ning of the work itself. 

The spelling in all three MSS. is very inaccurate, Inaccurate 
and proves the scribes to have had little of the author's and parce 
scholarship. The punctuation, too, is in many places tuation. 
erroneous. Nor need we be surprised that the text 
itself contains errors, having been originally dictated by 
one who could not read it when written, and transcribed 
by others who could not always follow its meaning. 

A few of the false readings in the MSS. will be found 
corrected in the foot notes; but one or two remain which 
appear to defy explanation. 





-——_ 


1 At p. 23 Charles VIIL of France 
is called Charles VIL (‘ Septimo ”), 
which is much more likely to have 
occurred from the misreading of a 
Roman nomeral (“ VIL” for 
“ VIII”), than from Bernard An- 
dré’s ignorance; at p. 28, “ mi- 
nima ” (both i’s distinctly dotted) 
occurs instead of “numina”; at 
p. 48. innit ducte for movit duce te; 
and at p. 109, idonews evidently for 
id est, novum. All these errors are 
precisely of the kind that would 
have arisen from the misreading of 


another MS. certainly not from 
the mishearing of words spoken. 
Others, however, may be detected 
which are probably due to the latter 
cause, and which sometimes make 
a sad confusion in the text; as for 
instance the word quominus at p. 31, 
for which in a foot note I have sug. 
gested the reading quam citius. I 
have no doubt now, however, that 
the reading intended by the author 
was cominus, especially as I see the 
same error in another place (p. 120). 





PREFACE xvii 


breaks and chasms apparent: there are also important 
omissions. Again and again the author excuses himself 
for the scantiness of his details and the imperfections 
of his work But his own sense of these imperfections - 
gives all the more weight to what he tells us Not 
having been blessed with eyesight, he will not describe 
what a spectator could have done more justice to; not 
having taken accurate notes nor received any assistance 
in his labor, he professes only to write from memory. 
His consolation that Homer also was blind may amuse 
us, as well as some other evidences of the estimation in 
which he held his own productions; but this too was 
in some degree justified by the esteem of contemporary 
literati. One of them, by name Johannes Opicius, says, 
addressing Henry VII. :— 

“ Sed mihi des veniam, queeso, clarissime regum, 

Et mihi parce, precor, nostri si carmina tantum 

Ingenii madefacta haud sunt Heliconis in undis 

Iius quantum vatis quem antiqua Tholosa 

Gallorum genuit urbs ortu regia claro; 

Cui non deficiunt præcordia sacra Platonis, 

Alta Maroneæ cui non facundia Muse; 

Mellifluum Ciceronis habet genus ille loquendi ; 

Qui te (fama volat) numeris celebrare canendo 

Cœpit et egregias de te contexere laudes, 

Grandia facta simul.”? 

But the laudatory style of Bernard André’s effusions, 
and the circumstance of his being Henry the Seventh’s 
poet laureate, may perhaps be considered to detract 
from his value as an historical authority. Certainly if 
his memory had served him sufficiently to have enabled 
him to fill his pages somewhat more with facts and less 
with panegyric, his work would have been of so much 
the more importance ; but I can see no evidence that he 


' MS. Cott. Vespasian, B. iv. 


The twen- 
tieth year. 


xviil PREFACE. 


ever sacrificed the independence of his judgment. His 
highflown language was nothing but the taste of the 
day. Nor is he by any means the most laudatory of 
Henry the Seventh’s admirers, John de Giglis, Petrus 
Carmelianus, Johannes Opicius, and Walter Ogilvy 
exhausted upon Henry every epithet of admiration. 
Indeed there is not a word to be found concerning him 
in any contemporary writer which does not speak of 
him in the highest terms of praise; and it is difficult to 
believe that all this was insincere. 

On the whole we may sum up our judgment of 
André’s History in the words of Speed ; 

“This Andreas,” says that writer', “as he himself 
‘ writes, was intrusted with the instruction of prince 
“ Arthur, eldest son to king Henry, in good letters, 
“ though he was blind; and having as well the title 
“ of poet laureate as of the king’s historiographer (how 
“ hardly soever those two faculties meet with honor 
“in the same person), meant to have bistorified and 
“ poetised the acts of this king, but (for want of com- 
“ petent and attended instructions in many places of 
“ chief importance) left his labor full of wide breaches 
“ and unfinished, yet in such points as he hath pro- 
“ fessed to know not unworthy to be vouched, for 
“there is in him a great deal of clear elocution 
“and defecated conceit above the ordinary of that 
cc age.” 
The latter part of the Life of Henry VII, which 
relates the story of Perkin Warbeck, has already been 
printed in the Archæologia (Vol. xxvi., pp, 192-198), in 
a very able article by Sir Frederic Madden. 

Of the Annals of Henry VIL, the two which alone 
remain to us are, perhaps, even more interesting than 
the Life, though they have been less frequently re- 


1 Bpeed’s Hist. p. 728. 


PREFACE. xix 


ferred to by historians. That of the twentieth year, 
written just after that year had been completed, 
though not abounding in incident, tells us something 
of the condition of tha country and of the estimation 
in which Henry was held by the different powers of 
Europe. Jt was a time of tranquillity both within 
the kingdom and withont, We hear of no more dis- 
turbances at home; no counterfeit Plantagenets me- 
nsoing Henry’s throne; and the machinations of the 
earl of Suffolk abroad have not occurred to our 
author as worthy the slightest notice. The conti- 
nent was in the enjoyment of a momentary repose; 
for through Henry’s mediation even the kings of 
France and Spain had agreed to a peace, and their 
bloody struggle for the kingdom of Naples had been 
set at reat for atime, Lewis XII.’s minister, Cardinal 
d’Amboise, had testified his esteem for Henry by send- 
ing him a leg of St.George the Martyr ;' the king of 
Portugal had requested him to take the command in 
a general crusade against the infidels ; and Pope 
Julius IL, like his two predecessors, had sent him a 
consecrated sword and hat. The settled state of the 
country had enabled the king, by the consent of Par- 
liament*, to relax the severity of former attainders. 
These are the principal matters which we find in 
the twentieth year, the events of which our author 
would probably have recounted more fully had he 
not been obliged to leave London on account of the 
plague. 
The account of the twenty-third year is much more The twen- 

copious in detail, and is so full of interesting matter Ur 
that if we possessed a similar record of all the other 


1It appears from Fabyan that 2 See Stat. 19 Hen. VIL c. 28. 
this relic, enclosed in silver, was ex- 
hibited at St. Paul’s on St. George’s 
Day, 1505. 
b 2 


XX PREFACE. 


years the reign of Henry VII. might be as lucid as it 
is now obscure. We have here a complete journal of 
a whole twelvemonth of Henry’s reign. Each incident 
is set down with precision under the exact date of its 
occurrence ; and small as well as great events, com- 
mitted to writing before they had become a burden 
on the memory, are related with the freshness of news 
without reference to their political importance. The 
stormy weather of December and the extraordinary 
mildness of the new year are duly noted, no less than 
the defeat of Maximilian, and the news of the Sophi’s 
victories over the Turks. It is true we have nothing 
here but the mere externals of events; but such care- 
ful chronicles are of inestimable value. No testimony 
can be more entirely free from suspicion than that 
which merely aims at stating facts; and even small 
facts, accurately dated, are often of incalculable value for 
the elucidation of history. 

The French verses by which this annal of the 
twenty-third year is prefaced are in the MS. written 
on a couple of leaves by themselves, in a different hand 
from the rest of the work. This doubtless has caused 
them to be regarded as anonymous poems uncon- 
nected with André’s work; and the occasion which 
led to their composition has consequently been mis- 
understood. But Mrs. Green has fully proved! even 
from internal evidence that the poem “ Reveillez vous, 
cœurs endormis,” had relation to the marriage pro- 
jected in 1507 between the princess Mary and Charles 
of Castile, to which there is more than one allusion 
in the narrative which it precedes. Below the previous 
poem occurs what appears to have been a favorite sen- 
timent of André’s in Latin, viz. that a pacific king is 
exalted above all the kings of earth. 





1 Lives of the Princesses, v. 7. 





xxl PREFACE. 


to take refuge among the savages’ in that country. 
We may be sure, therefore, that the poem was not 
written after his capture in 1497, especially as, not- 
withstanding the general tone of triumph, the conclusion 
urges Henry “for à while patiently to endure and 
“ hope, for in thé end he would have & complete 
“ victory.” 

It would be curious if we could ascértain whether 
this poem was held in any estimation beyond the limits 
of the court. At the date of its composition it was not 
altogether superfluous or extravagant to state that the 
pacification of the country had demanded a series of 
Herculean labors. The poem may be regarded as an 
appeal to the lords and people of England not to undo 
the good work that had been effected, but to aid the 
king in its completion. Hence, it is very probable it 
was transcribed and circulated elséwhere than at the 
court. In a catalogue of the library of Gerald earl of 
Kildare in 1526, we find a French work entitled 
“ Ercules,” which may not unlikely have been this very 
poem,® for at the date of its Composition the Geraldines 
were loyal subjects. 

In the beginning is a passage which seems rather 
enigmatical. In comparing the deeds of Henry to the 
twelve labors of Hercules, the author, in every instance 
but one, explains the parallel, arid names the different 
enemies vanquished by his hero. But in the case of 
the Nemæan lion he expresses himself with a reserve 


! Polydore Vergil tells us that it * Printed in the Appendix of 
was among the savage or wild Irish, | Lord Kildare’s Earls of Kildare, 
not among the civilised community | lately published, from MS. Hati, 
which kept up intercourse with | 3756, 

England, that Perkin was received * There is also in the list a copy 
with favor. of Bernard André’s Latin hymns. 


PREFACE. xxiii 


which all but conceals from us the intended application 
of the simile : 


“De ce leon j'entends un roy superbe; 
C’est à scavoir, roy plus grant en noblesse 
Que les aultres, Virgille en un proverbe 
L’eecript ainsi, en honneur et haultesse, 
Ce nonobstant que à present on l’abaisse 
Pour l’apliquer en vice aulcunement. 

Sy l’entends je et pour autel le lesse 
Comme on faisoit lors anciennement. 


Et de ce roy je me taiz le nommer, 

Qui du leon est icy figuré. 

Le roy Henry estant dela la mer 

Cuyda par luy bien estre devouré ; 

Mais Dieu pour luy a si bien procuré 
Qu'il ha vaincu et ha sa peau vestue,” &c. 


Who is this king, and why should silence be observed 
about him more than others? We are told Henry 
when beyond the sea stood in great fear of him. This, 
I take it, refers to the winter of 1492, when Henry 
invaded France. The king of whom he stood in 
dread could hardly have been any other than Charles 
VIII. The amicable relations afterwards established 
with him would have been quite sufficient to prevent 
a laureate mentioning him by name, but the advantage 
gained over him required some celebration. 


Let us now, with Bernard André before us, briefly Sketch of 
review the times of king Henry the Seventh, and see ‘¢ Period. 
what light is to be had respecting that monarch’s 
history. 


Henry was the son of Edmund Tudor earl of Rich- Birth of 
mond, and was born in the early part of the year Henry VIL 


XXIV PREFACE. 
1457, a few months after his father’s death! The 
civil wars of York and Lancaster had already been 
kindled before he saw the light. He was just four 
years old when Edward the Fourth wrested the sceptre 
from the feeble hands of Henry the Sixth; and being 
an eminent branch of the obnoxious House of Lancaster, 
it was judged necessary for his safety to send him 
abroad. His uncle, the earl of Pembroke, took him 
over to Britanny, and there he remained many years 
in exile and security while England was convulsed with 
civil war. He was in his twenty-seventh year when, 
in consequence of the odious tyranny of Richard III, 
a scheme was laid to place him upon the throne. 

The first attempt was a failure. It had been con- 
certed along with the duke of Buckingham, whose 
enterprize terminated in the desertion of his followers 


and his own execution. 


Henry had crossed. the 





1 No book that I have seen gives 
the accurate date, or mentions his 
being a posthumous child; but the 
facts may be easily verified by a 
reference to the Inquisitions post 
mortem. Dugdale, who cites these 
documents, has made an error as to 
the year, which has misled other 
writers. He says that Edmund earl 
of Richmond died on the morrow 
of All Souls’ day, 35 Henry VL, 
leaving his son Henry fifteen weeks 
old. By this it would appear that 
Henry was born in 1456, just fifteen 
weeks before the death of his father. 
But the age of Henry as given in 
the document is not his age at his 
father’s death, but at the taking of 
the inquisition. Moreover, the in- 
quisitions on the death of the earl 
of Richmond, though ranged under 


the thirty-fifth year of Henry VL 
(because the writs were issued in 
that year), were all taken in the 
thirty-sixth year. They were taken 
in nine different counties, and the 
returns are sufficiently precise to 
show that Henry must have been 
born early in 1457, though not to 
tell the exact day of his birth. The 
Norfolk inquisition, taken on the 
llth October 1457, finds him to be 
thirty-five weeks old and upwards ; 
in Suffolk, on the 29th October, he 
was returned as thirty-six weeks 
and upwards; in Yorksbire, on the 
20th July, five months, &c. See 
Inquis. post mortem, 35 Hen. VL 
No.19. André intended to have 
told us the very day, but committed 
a strange inconsistency in telling it 
(see page 12). 


PREFACE. XXV 


Channel, and was about to land, when he found the 
country up in arms to oppose him, and he was obliged 
for the time to return to Britanny. But two years 
later he renewed the experiment under better auspices. 
To conciliate the Yorkists, and obviate as far as possible 
objections to his title, he in the meantime made 
solemn oath to marry the princess Elizabeth, eldest 
daughter of Edward IV., whenever he should obtain 
the crown. King Edward himself, if André has in- 
formed us truly, at one time intended such a match 
for her.’ A confederacy was formed with Richmond 
in England, and many adherents crossed the sea to . 
join him. At last, with the aid of a few auxiliaries 
from France and Britanny, he landed among his fellow 
countrymen in Wales, passed on into the centre of the 
kingdom, won the battle of Bosworth, and established 
himself upon the throne of England. 

After the victory he proceeded to London, where His recep- 
he was greeted on his arrival with loud acclamations Hon in 
A circumstance commonly related of him might lead after the 
us to suppose that he scarcely expected so cordial a battle of 
réception ; but the statement, though it has been 
frequently repeated, is entirely without foundation. 
“The mayor and companies of the city,” says lord 
Bacon in his Life of Henry VII, “received him at 
‘ Shoreditch; whence, with great and honorable atten- 

“ dance, and troops of noblemen and persons of quality, 
“ he entered the city, himself not being on horseback 
“ or in any open chair or throne, but in a close 
“ chariot, as one that, having been sometimes an 
“ enemy to the whole state, and a proscribed person, 
“ chose rather to keep state, and strike a reverence 
“ into people, than to fawn upon them.” Lord Bacon 
never mentions his authorities; but Speed, who wrote 
his History of Great Britain about the same time as 


1 See pp. 37, 38. 


XXvi PREFACE. 
Bacon his Life of Henry VII.', says something of 
the same sort, and gives a reference to the source 
of his information. “ Henry staid not,” says Speed, 
“ in ceremonious greetings and popular acclamations, 
“ which, it seems, he did purposely eschew ; for that, as 
# Andreas saith, he entered covertly, meaning belike, 
“in a horse-litter or close chariot.” Thus it will 
be seen that the close chariot, set down as a fact 
in Bacon, is in Speed no more than a conjecture 
grounded upon the single word “covertly,” or 
“ latenter,” which he quotes in the margin from 
Bernard André. But the passage in Bernard André, 
(which is printed at page 35 of this volume) has 
been misread in the MS.; the word which André 
uses is not “latenter,” but ‘“ lætanter”; and whatever 
may have been Henry’s manner to the people, the story 
of the covered chariot must be held purely imaginary.® 
It is very certain, however, that Henry had much 
to fear, if not from the people, at least from the 
caprice and factiousness of the nobles. The extra- 
ordinary mutations of fortune that had been expe- 
rienced by the last four kings might have convinced 
even a less sagacious monarch that the crown could 
only be held by at best a precarious tenure. Henry VI. 
had spent many miserable years in prison, and was 
ruthlessly murdered at last; Edward IV., at what ap- 
peared to be the height of his prosperity, had been 
suddenly driven from his kingdom; Edward V. had 





1 Speed’s History appeared in 
1611; lord Bacon’s not till 1622. 
Nevertheless, Bacon’s work was 
written, or at least partly so, when 
Speed’s was published, for the latter 
sometimes quotes Bacon’s MS. 

3 This error is of importance as 
proving that (1) either Speed con- 
sulted Bernard André in MS., and 
Bacon made use of his notes; or 
(2) Bacon made an extract in MS. 


which Speed made use of; or (3) 
both of them followed an inaccurate 
transcript. Considering that Ba- 
con’s inaccuracy here and in another 
instance which will be mentioned, 
is an amplification of Speed’s, and 
that Speed often quotes Bernard 
André, translating his very words 
and placing his name in the margin, 
I have very little doubt that the first 
hypothesis is the true one. 








PREFACE. XXIX 


lianus, a native of Brescia, who had been in England 
from the time of Edward the Fourth, told the nation, 
in à poetical epistle' written on the birth of prince 
Arthur, that God had at length taken pity on her 
miserable condition, and determined to put an end to 
scenes of slaughter unparalleled even in the wars of 
Marius and Sylla. The same feeling will be found no 
less strongly expressed in Bernard André, where he 
speaks of the birth of prince Arthur; for though the 
union of the Roses was begun when Henry married 
Elizabeth, there was no assurance that it would prove 
lasting till the latter had borne him a son. 

The strength of that union, however, had even yet to Yorkist 
be tried The leading members of the House of York jh" 
were by no means satisfied. Whether from merely 
selfish views, or indisposition to acknowledge a female 
heir, or from a belief in the illegitimacy of the children 
of Edward the Fourth, they showed a manifest desire 
to set up another claimant to the throne. They also 
resented the imprisonment of the earl of Warwick ; 
and, in order to try the sympathies of the people, they 
caused it to be proclaimed that Warwick had escaped. 
A young man of mean origin was procured to personate 
the earl; he was sent over to Ireland, supported by the 
Geraldines, and crowned as king in Christchurch 
Cathedral, Dublin; but when an invasion of England 
was attempted in his favor, his short-lived triumph was 
at an end. 

His success, however, had been sufficient to encourage 
a hope that more might be expected from a better 
concerted project, and accordingly a few years later 
Perkin Warbeck was set up; whose career in the cha- 
racter of duke of York was certainly a remarkable 


' MS. in Grenville Library, Brit. Mus, 


The story 
of War- 


beck exag- 


gerated. 


XXX . PREFACE. 


one,' though not altogether so marvellous as it has in later 
times been represented. There seems very little doubt 
that he had some sincere believers in his own day; 
among whom, on the testimony of Bernard André, we 
may rank king James the Fourth of Scotland, Indeed 
the conduct of that king can scarcely be accounted for 
on any other supposition than that he was for a time 
convinced of Perkin’s pretensions. He not only under- 
took an invasion of England in his favor, but gave him 
his own cousin Catherine Gordon in marriage, It is, 
however, abundantly evident that the adventurer found 
little favor in England, Sir William Stanley, it is 
true, appears to have given him some countenance: he 
was doubtless a double dealer towards Henry as he had 
been towards Richard IIT, The dean of St. Paul’s, and 
a few other factious priests, also favored Perkin; they 
presumed upon the privileges of their order, But 
his followers were not really numerous, and the bulk 
of them appear to have been foreigners, 

Indeed, this story of Perkin Warbeck, J more than 
suspect, has, like other marvellous tales, gained con- 
siderably in the telling, The surmise of some modern 
writers that he was no impostor, but the true duke 
of York, is almost justified by the manner in which 
his history is related. The account given in lord 
Bacon’s History of Henry VII. is the real origin of what 
is said of him by the generality of later historians ; 
and certainly, with lord Bacon before us, it is easy 
enough to indulge, like Walpole, in “ Historic Doubts.” 
The elaborate training, for instance, that Margaret is 


. said to have given to her pupil that he might act 


'So remarkable that no original | (Appendix A.) a copy of the in- 
document bearing upon it can be | strument by which the duchess of 
void of interest. I have, therefore, | Burgundy appealed to the pope in 
inserted at the end of this volume | his favor. 





XXxIii PREFACE. 


hypothesis that he was no impostor at all The one 
theory is at least as good as the other; for it is clear 
that there could be no direct evidence of the secret 
tuition given by Margaret to her pupil, and if such a 
statement as the above had been put forth at the time 
it could only serve to show that the facts were ex- 
tremely difficult to be accounted for by any but Perkin’s 
friends. 

It was not put forth at the time. Warbeck’s acting 
was by no means so good as to require it. Ina letter 
to queen Isabella of Castile he showed himself ignorant 
of the exact age of the character he was personating, by 
stating that he was nine years old, instead of eleven, at 
the time of his brother’s murder.’ The statements of 
lord Bacon are merely an exaggeration of those of Hall 
‘and Polydore Vergil, whose words, properly under- 
stood, only imply that the duchess taught him some- 
thing about the affairs of England and the history of 
the House of York, so that at last he was able to pass 
himself off for a member of that family. Thus Poly- 
dore tells us :— 

“ Hunc Margarita aptum esse existimans quem con- 
“ fingeret esse illum Edouardi regis sui fratris filium 
* ducem Eboracensem, cui nomen fuit Ricardus, apud sc 
“ aliquandiu occulte tenuit, docuitque ita diligenter de 
“ rebus Anglicis, deque Eboracensis domus institutis 
“ atque genere, ut ille postea omnia memoria teneret, 
“ facile narraret, mores repreesentaret, faceretque apud 
“ omnes fidem per ea, se in Eboracensi familia pro- 
“ creatum ; quia hoc generi hominum natura quasi 
“ datum est ut qui sunt ejus stirpis, cupide suorum 
“ majorum laudes consequi nitantur.” 


' See the letter, and Sir F. Madden’s remarks upon it, in Archæologia, 
vol. xxvii. pp. 156-8, 161-2, 


PREFACE. XxXxill 


Which Hall, writing a little later, freely translates as 
follows : 

“ Therefore the duchess, thinking to have gotten God 
“ by the foot when she had the Devil by the tail, 
“ and adjudging this young man to be a mete organ 
“ to convey her purpose, and one not unlike to be the 
“ duke of York, son to her brother king Edward, which 
‘ was called Richard, kept him a certain space with her 
“ privily, and him with such diligence instructed, both 
of the secrets and common affairs of the realm of 
‘ England, and of the lineage, descent, and order of 
‘ the House of York, that he, like a good scholar, 
‘“ not forgetting his lesson, could tell all that was 
‘“ taught him promptly without any difficulty or sign 
“ of any subornation; and, besides, he kept such a 
“ princely countenance, and so counterfeit a majesty 
“ royal, that all men in manner did firmly believe 
“ that he was extracted of the noble house and family 
“ of the dukes of York. For surely it was a gift given 
“ to that noble progeny as of nature in the root 
“ planted that all the sequel of that line and stock 
“ did study and devise how to be equivalent in honor 
‘“ and fame with their forefathers and noble prede- 
“ cessors.” 

This is all we are told about Perkin’s tuition by 
writers who lived near the time, and it must be 
remarked that even when Polydore wrote the adven- 
tures of Perkin Warbeck must have been a very old 
story. Moreover, Polydore was not in England at the 
time they happened, and must have trusted to the 
memories of persons then living, who possibly assigned 
a trifle more efficacy to the intrigues of the duchess 
than was really due to them. But neither Polydores 
words nor Hall’s, nor indeed those of any writer before 
lord Bacon, at all justify the minute description which 
that author gives of his training, and which, supported by 
his great name, has been received for history ever since. 

c 


Walpole’s 
argument 
founded on 
lord Ba- 
con’s 
"errors, 


XXXIV PREFAUE. 


Hence, I think, much of the ingenious reasoning of 
Horace Walpole, who is at pains to show in his “ His- 
toric Doubts” by what a number of methods Perkin’s 
pretensions, if not genuine, might have been confuted, 
must lose its force. It is an argument, not from the 
facts of history, but from the statements of lord Bacon. 
We have no reason to believe that the imposture was 
really so successful as to be worth confuting by irre- 
fragable evidence; and the assertion of Walpole that 
the duchess could not have told Perkin what passed 
in the Tower may be admitted without crediting his 
pretensions, 

Another error of lord Bacon in treating of this 
subject has already been pointed out by Sir Frederic 
Madden. Bernard André (p. 65. of this volume) tells us 
that Perkin was brought up in England by a Jew named 
Edward, who had afterwards been baptized, and to whom 
Edward the Fourth had stood godfather. Even Speed 
has confused this plain piece of information, telling us 
that Warbeck was the son of a converted Jew; and 
lord Bacon has not only fallen into this error, but has 
also committed the egregious blunder of making Perkin 
himself king Edward’s godson. This, of course, does 
not escape Walpole’s criticism. ‘ Can one help laugh- 
ing,” says he, “at being told that a king called 
Edward gave the name of Peter to his godson?” 
Nor does the mistake end here; for lord Bacon adds 
a conjecture of his own (which Hume further im- 
proves by giving it as an opinion of contemporaries), 
that Perkin was not only king Edward’s godson but 
his son. And, as conjecture leads to conjecture, Walpole 
has drawn from this the inference that his likeness to 
king Edward could not be denied! 

There is yet one more point on which the miscon- 
ceptions of lord Bacon have furnished an argument 
to the author of ‘“ Historic Doubts.” On Perkin’s 
appearance, we are told, Henry endeavoured to expose 


PREFACE. XXXV' 


the idleness of his pretensions by investigating the 
circumstances of the murder of the princes, so as to 
prove beyond all doubt that the duke of York was 
dead. The result, if we take lord Bacon’s account 
of it, can hardly be said to have been very satis- 
factory. 

“Thus it stood. There were but four persons that 
“ could speak upon knowledge to the murder of the 
“ duke of York ; Sir James Tyrell (the employed man 
“ from king Richard), John Dighton and Miles Forest, 
“ his servants (the two butchers or tormentors), and 
“ the priest of the Tower that buried them. Of which 
‘ four, Miles Forest and the priest were dead, and 
“ there remained alive only Sir James Tyrell and John 
“ Dighton. These two the king caused to be com- 
“ mitted to the Tower, and examined touching the 
‘manner of the death of the two innocent princes. 
“ They agreed both in a tale (as the king gave out) 
“ to this effect,” &c. 

“As the king gave out!” It is impossible to deny 
that the parenthesis is very suspicious. Still more so 
what follows a little lower down : 

“Thus much was then delivered abroad to be the 
“ effect of those examinations. But the king never- 
“ theless made no use of them in his declarations; 
“ whereby, as it seems, those examinations left the 
‘ business somewhat perplexed. And as for Sir James 
“ Tyrell he was soon after beheaded in the Tower yard 
“ for other matters of treason; but John Dighton 
“ (who, it seemeth, spake best for the king) was forth- 
“ with set at liberty, and was the principal means of 
* divulging this tradition.” 

If this be true, does it not go far to justify the 
argument of Walpole, that Dighton “was some low 
mercenary wretch hired to assume the guilt of a crime 
he had not committed,” and that Tyrell was too 
honorable to do the same? If Tyrell and Dighton were 

c 2 


o 


xxxvi PREFACE. 
at this time believed to be the murderers, and Henry, 
with all his efforts, could produce no more satisfactory 
proof that the murder was really perpetrated, he must 
be held to have failed indeed. But where is the proof 
that Tyrell and Dighton were examined? No writer 
before lord Bacon mentions it. There is no evidence 
that they were at this time so much as suspected. On 
the contrary Walpole truly notices that Tyrell held 
under Henry the Seventh the office of captain of 
_ Guisnes, and was employed by him in an expedition 
against Flanders. Such favor could hardly have been 
shown to a reputed regicide. But if Walpole had 
known that even after Warbeck had been taken and 
confessed his imposture Tyrell was sent on an embassy 
to Maximilian,’ he would not have built so much upon 
Bacon’s blundering statements. The murder of the poor 
young princes was a deed performed in secret. The 
details of it were first related in More’s History of 
Richard the Third, which was written about twenty 
years after Warbeck’s first appearance, and even then 
were not given as certain, but only as vouched for on 
very strong testimony So that it may well be doubted 
if the instruments of that vile deed were ever suspected 
till 1502,° when Tyrell was executed as an adherent 
of the earl of Suffolk, and probably confessed his former 
crime before he suffered.‘ 


1 See Rymer, x11. 705. 

2 «J shall rehearse you the dolo- 
rous end of those babes, not after 
every way that I have heard, but 
after that way that I have so heard 
by such men and such means as me 
thinketh it were hard but it should 
be true.” More's Richard IIL, p.127. 
Singer's edit, 1821. 

®*The bones of the murdered 
princes were discovered in the reign 


of Charles II. in precisely such a 
situation as More says they were 
deposited in by the priest, viz., at 
the foot of a staircase. 

*T am also at a loss to find Ba- 
con’s authority for saying that at 
this time Forest and the priest were 
dead. The fact itself is probable 
enough, but is not supported by the 
testimony of any earlier writer, and 
I am inclined to think lord Bacon 


PREFACE. XXXVii 


If, then, we divest the story of Perkin Warbeck of 
those startling features which have been ascribed to it 
by lord Bacon, we only find that he was one out of 
a series of impostors, rather cleverer than the rest, 
Perkin was not the last any more than he was the 
first. Ralph Wulford personated the earl of Warwick 
even when Perkin was in prison. Possibly there were 
other pretenders, concerning whom history is silent; 
certainly there were other conspiracies to liberate the 
earl of Warwick. It was, doubtless, the alarm thus 
created that caused Warwick to be put to death. 

The capture of Warbeck concludes the most eventful 
period of Henry’s reign, and with it either André or 
his transcriber paused in his labors, leaving the Life 
of Henry VII. an imperfect fragmentary production. 
We must now turn to the other contents of our volume 
for further light upon the history of this reign 

The Journals of Roger Machado are transcribed from M8. of 
a small quarto paper MS. belonging to the Arundel Col- Machado's 
lection preserved in the College of Arms,’ The hand 
is a somewhat rugged one, and the matter, being 
merely a set of rough notes, perhaps not intended for 
any eye but the author's, is not decorated with illu- 
minations or ornaments of any kind. Generally speak- 
ing, it is very legible, though in some parts the writing 
is faint. The chief difficulties of the text arise from 
the extraordinary spelling, which is such as sometimes 
to occasion a doubt as to the word the author really 


must have written it from a 
hazy recollection of the following 
passage, in which More mentions 
the fate of the assassins. ‘ For, first, 
to begin with the ministers; Miles 
Forest at St Martins piecemeal 
rotted away. Dighton, indeed, yet 


walketh on alive in good possibility 


to be hanged ere he die. But Sir 
James Tyrell died at Tower Hill, 
beheaded for treason.” This, how- 
ever, as already mentioned, was 
written twenty years after War- 
beck’s appearance, and says nothing 
of the priest. 
1 Vol. LL of that collection. 


xxxvili PREFACE. 


intended. To assist the reader I have supplied accents, 
apostrophes, and cedillas, in which the MS. itself is 
wholly deficient, as is also the MS. of “Les Douze 
Triomphes.” 

These journals, along with some other matters, are 
entered in what appears to be a private memorandum 
or common-place book of Machado’s, the first entry 
in which is an account of the funeral of Edward the 
Fourth, imperfect at the beginning. The watermark 
on the paper is a hand and star. The last sheet! 
contains two blank leaves of the original paper still 
uncut, which are curious as showing that the manner 
of folding paper in books was similar to that which 
prevails at present. It was probably owing to the 
leaves being uncut when he was writing that the 
author has at one place passed over two pages, as 
noticed at page 178. This, taken in connexion with 
the merely private interest of other of the memoranda, 
and the general want of neatness observable through- 
out, seem to indicate that the writer penned the 
narrative, not with the view of showing his MS. to 
others, but merely for his own private satisfaction, 
perhaps to refresh his memory in relating the story 
of his travels by word of mouth, whenever the king 
or any one else should call upon him to do so. 

Machado was a foreigner, born, probably, in the 
South of France* Some have supposed that he was 
a native of Britanny, and came in with Henry, having 
been his herald before he came to the crown; but 
this is mere conjecture. In the description he gives of 
the funeral of Edward the Fourth in the same volume 
from which the journals are derived there are passages 





' The last, that is to say, of Ma. * So I infer from the half Spanish 
chado’s book, which is now bound | dialect he sometimes uses. 
up in one volume with Stowe's tran- | 
script of Cavendish’s Life of Wolsey. 


PREFACE. XXXIX 
which prove he was present at that ceremony. At 
the end of that same year (1483) he was over at 
Calais in the suite of one William Rosse, appointed by 
Richard the Third to provide for the victualling of the 
town' At that time, it appears, he filled the office 
of Leicester herald But very shortly afterwards he 
must have forsaken king Richard’s service and entered 
that of the marquis of Dorset, by whom he was em- 
ployed in various missions, doubtless with the view 
of promoting the earl of Richmond's interests. Con- 
cerning this part of his life all I have been able to 
ascertain is contained in the following memoranda of 
expenses written by himself in the same volume from 
which his journals are derived. 


“ Anno 1485, 


Item, Monsieur le marquis de Dorset me doit pour 
vij journées que je chevaulchay pour luy à la ville de 
Gant de la ville de Bruges pour parler à Monsieur de 
Roumond pour ses affaires - - jlb. iijs. ij d. 

Item, j’ay vendu pour le service de Monsieur le 
marquis vj tasces d'argent de vj honses la pièce, qui 
montent toutes vj à ix lb.g.; pour la façon xvjd la 
honce, somme, ij lb. viijs. 

Somme totalis - - - xjlb. viijjs 00d 
Memorandum que je suis party de la ville de Bruges 
devers Monsieur Jaques de Lucemborgh et Madame 
de Mans en service de mon dict seigneur Monsieur 


1“ Roy Machadus alias dictus 
Leycestre herault, alias dictus Ro- 
gerus Machado, etc., qui in obsequio 
Regis in comitiva dilecti et fidelis 
regis Willielmi Rosse armigeri, vi: 
tellarii ville et castri Cales’ et mar- 
chiarum ibidem, super salva cus- 
todia et vitellatione ville et castri 


Cales’ ac marchiarum prædictarum 
moratur, habet literas regis patentes 
de protectione cum clausula Volumus 
per unum annum duraturas. Teste 
Rege apud Westmonasterium xv. die 
Decembris,” Rot. Franc. 1 Ric. III. 
m. (14). 


xl l PREFACE 


le marquis le ij" jour de Feverier 1484. (This would 
be 1485 according to our modern computation). 

Item, Monsieur le marquis me doit pour le argent 
que jay commencé de paier en commencement de 
paiement à son paintre, pour commancement de 
paiement - - - - ilbg. 

Item, Monsieur le marquis me doit pour x journées 
que je chevaulchay et en ces mesaiges de la ville de 
Bruges jusques & la cité de Lan en Lanoy et au chas- 
teau de Porsnay - - - jlb. xiijs iiijd” 

There is also, dated December 1484, a payment of 
28. 1ld. for a cartload of hay “pour mest’ Ber- 
quelley.!” In the same year we have an inventory 
headed ‘“L’estoffaige de mon hostel, anno 1484,” by 
which it appears that he was married, as it contains 
some mention of articles of his wife's wardrobe. 

Though Henry the Seventh, a little before his ac- 
cession, had some reason to be displeased with the 
marquis of Dorset, whom Richard the Third had 
nearly won over to his cause, it was natural that one 
who had previously quitted King Richard’s service 
for that of the marquis should not be overlooked by 
the new king. Accordingly we find Machado, after 
Henry’s accession, bearing the official name of Rich- 
mond instead of Leicester herald, and uniting there- 
with the office of Norroy king of arms, from which 
on the 24th of January 1494, he was promoted to 
that of Clarenceux with ‘a salary of 204 a year® It is 


Qu. Sir William Berkeley of | grant of this offce on the Patent 
Beverston, who was concerned in | Rolls, but I have no doubt of the 
Buckingham’s rebellion against Ri- | date, as the office of Norroy or chief 
chardIll.? Seethe Act of Attainder, | herald was immediately after granted 
1 Ric. IIL, Rolls of Parliament, | to Christopher Carlill, alias Carlisle 
vol vi p. 245. herald, by patent 21st February 

* MS. Collections of Anstis, He- | 9 Hen. VIL m. (16). 
ralds’ College. I cannot find the 


PREFACE. xli 


said that Henry even offered to make him Garter 
king of arms, which he declined on account of his 
imperfect acquaintance with the English language. 
“ For this modesty,” says Noble,’ “ Henry obliged Sir 
‘ Thomas Wriothesley ” (who held that office) “ to give 
“ him a pension of 20 marks. When repeated alterca- 
“ tions had subsisted between them relative to Garter’s 
‘ visiting Clarenceux’s provinces, he accepted from 
‘ Garter 40 marks yearly payable out of his fees 
“ arising from such visitation; but Sir Thomas, to 
‘ avoid appearing the deputy of Clarenceux, and he to 
‘“ retain some authority as Clarenceux, applied jointly 
“ for and obtained a bill signed by that sovereign 
“ giving them equal powers to execute the office ; but, 
“ like all other divided authority, it still led to much 
“ altercation and mutual upbraiding.” 

It was while he was still Norroy and not yet pro- 
moted to the higher dignity of Clarenceux that 
Machado was despatched on those embassies which 
form the subject of his journals; and they serve to 
show the high esteem in which he was held by his 
sovereign. In the embassy to Spain and Portugal he 
took no leading part, but was appointed only to 
accompany and attend upon the envoys. His inferiority 
to them is evident throughout. The presents he re- 
ceives are of inferior value; and when they are 
ordered to be seated before the king and queen of 
Castile he is commanded to place himself behind 
them standing. But in his first embassy to Britanny 
next year he appears to have been treated with more 
consideration. He was associated with Sir Robert 
Clifford, the subtle agent by whom a few years later 
Henry detected the treason of Sir William Stanley ; 
but the task of explaining to Marshal De Rieux the 


1 History of the College of Arms, p. 111. 


xlù PREFACE. 

object of their mission (probably because he could 
speak French better) was entrusted to him The 
Marshal laid their propositions before the three 
estates of the duchy, and the result was that Rich- 
mond was sent back to England without Clifford 
to urge upon Henry the immediate dispatch of his 
promised succours to Britanny. He had no sooner 
returned than Henry employed him again to carry back 
his answer. 

In later years we find him employed in even 
more confidential missions. He appears once to have 
been sent to the archduke Philip, but for what object 
is unknown.’ On the 10th of August 1494 he was 
despatched by Henry to Charles VIII. of France in 
reply to an offer of assistance made by the French 
king in the event of Maximilian attempting the inva- 
sion of England in favor of Perkin Warbeck. Charles 
_himself had not long before countenanced Perkin’s 
pretensions, and he had new enough to occupy him in 
his expedition for the conquest of Naples. Henry, 
while he politely acknowledged his goodwill, replied 
somewhat to the same effect as the bull in the 
fable to the fly that was resting on his _ horns. 
Machado was instructed to say, “In regard to the 
“ said garçon the king makes no account of him, 
“nor of all his [intrigues ?],* because he cannot be 
“ hurt or annoyed by him; for there is no nobleman, 
“ gentleman, or person of any condition in the realm 


‘My authority is the following 
note ina MS. memoir of him by 
Anstis in his collections for the 
History of the Officers of Arms. 
“It hath not been inserted because 
the collector did not take the date 
of an original signed at the top and 
bottom of the instructions delivered 
to Richmond King of Arms of 


Clarenceux then going to the Arch- 
duke.” This is probably a docu- 
ment (now much mutilated) in the 
Cottonian volume, Galba. B ii. £4108, 
109. 

* The Cottonian MS. in which 
these instructions are entered, Cal. 
D. vi, has been very much injured 
by the fire. 


PREFACE. xlii 


“ of England who does not know that it is a 
“ manifest and evident imposture similar to the other 
“ which the duchess dowager of Burgundy made when 
“she sent Martin Swart over to England. And it 
“ is notorious that the said garçon is of no consan- 
“ guinity or kin to the late king Edward, but is a 
“ native of the town of Tournay and son of a boat- 
“ man who is named Werbec, as the king is certainly 
“ assured, as well by those who are acquainted with his 
“ life and habits as by others his companions who 
“ are at present with the king; and others still are 
“ beyond sea who have been brought up with him in 
“ their youth, who have publicly declared at length 
“how..... [a few words are wanting] the king 
“of the Romans. And therefore the subjects of 
“the king hold him in derision, and not without 
“ reason. And if it should so be that the king of 
“ the Romans should have the intention to give him 
“ assistance to invade England (which the king can 
“ scarcely believe, seeing that it is derogatory to the 
“ honor of any prince to encourage such an impostor) 
* he will neither gain honor nor profit by such an 
“ undertaking. And the king is very sure that the 
“ said king of the Romans and the nobility about him 
“ are well aware of the imposition, and that he only 
* does it on account of the displeasure he feels at the 
“ treaty made by the king with his said brother and 
“ cousin the king of France.” ! 

Machado was at the same time to offer Henry's 
good offices for a settlement of the dispute between 





1 Archæologia, XXVIL 165, 166. | king thathe mightthe better convince 
This exactly agrees with what is | him that Maximilian’s only object 
said in the Douze Triomphes regard- | was to create discord between the 
ing Maximilian's attempts to keep | two countries, for which he was 
England and France at variance. | desirous if he could to set another 
Machado was also instructed to seek | king upon the throne of England. 

a private interview with the French 


xliv PREFACE. 


Charles and Ferdinand of Spain with regard to the 
kingdom of Naples; but this overture led to nothing. 

_ At the commencement of the year 1495 he was 
again despatched to France, with instructions dated 
30th December 1494, on another mission, the main 
object of which appears to have been to obtain infor- 
mation for Henry as to the state of affairs abroad in 
France, and the Venetian, Florentine, and other Italian 
States, and to assure the king of France still further 
of the perfect tranquillity of Henry's own dominions, 
both in England and in Ireland, notwithstanding the 
intrigues of Warbeck. After discharging this mission 
towards Charles VIII. he was to proceed to Rome 

He was again accredited to France on the 5th 
March 1496 with instructions relative to a proposed 
personal interview between Charles and Henry, an 
overture for a marriage between the Dauphin and the 
princess Margaret, and the repayment of a loan of 
money made by Henry to the French king. 

It was often part of Henry's policy to give private 
instructions to envoys to make suggestions which should 
not appear to proceed from him, but simply from them- 
selves. Machado was instructed in this manner to 
remind Charles of a promise he had made to take 
Henry’s part against Scotland in the event of the King 
of Scots attempting anything to Henry’s prejudice, and 
to intimate that information had been received that 
James intended to attempt the capture of Berwick. He 
was also to sound Charles’s minister, the Cardinal of 
St. Malo, relative to an offer made by some French 
gentlemen, in the event of the Scotch king declaring 
war, to deliver into Henry’s hand the son of the duke 
of Albany, who was then in France.’ 


1 Archwol, XXVIL 167.: MS. | MS. Cott, Cal. D. vr. ff. 26-28. 
Cal. D. vi. Archeol. XXVIL 179-181. 


PREFACE. xiv 


The remaining notices of Machado are very scanty. 
In an unpublished memoir! of him by Anstis, Garter 
king of arms in the reign of George II, he is said 
to have been sent to the King of Denmark in the 
18th year of Henry VII. (1502 or 1503). Bernard 
André tells us (p. 104 of this volume) that he entertained 
splendidly the French ambassador on the 9th of January 
1508. In the 24th year of Henry VII. he obtained 
from the crown an annuity of £10; which in the 
first year of Henry VIII. appears to have been increased 
to 20 marks during pleasure.* According to Noble the 
date of his death was 1516; but 1510 or 1511 is a more 
likely date, as Benoilt succeeded him as Clarenceux in 
the beginning of the latter year.’ 

With regard to the historical value of his journals, paie of 
they are their own best expositors. Being evidently ma 
written with no further object than the statement of 
minute details, they afford precisely that description of 
testimony which is most generally useful in the investi- 
gation of facts. They also illustrate manners, and are 
not a little remarkable philologically in respect of their 
language. We must not look to them, however, for 
much information as to the political affairs of the 
time. Machado must have known more of these than 
the multitude, but he has said nothing. The things 
he thought proper to record were the incidents of his 
journeys, not their objects. 

The embassy sent to Spain and Portugal on the 
21st December 1488 was commissioned to conclude 
leagues with both those countries, treat for a marriage 
between prince Arthur and the princess Catherine, and 
carry the Order of the Garter to the King of Portugal.* 





1 Preserved in the College of * [ have searched for his will at 
Arms. Doctors’ Commons without success. 
* MS. Collections of Anstis, Coll. *Sce Rymer, xu. 351, 353, 
of Arms: Patent 17 Aug. 1 Hen. VIII. 
p. 1. m. (16.) 


State of 


xlvi PRÉFACE 


Henry attached great importance to foreign alliances, 
and it is evident that from the first he regarded the 
friendship of Spain in particular as of the highest value. 
The large proportion of the materials of this volume 
which relate to that country is owing to the intimate 
political relations then existing between Spain and 
England! The marriage of prince Arthur to Catherine 
of Arragon was projected at a time when the former 
was only two and the latter three years old. 

The two embassies to Britanny in 1490 had reference 


in Hey to the affairs of that unfortunate duchy, which was then 
VIL'stime. carrying on an unequal struggle with France, and was 


destined soon to lose its independence. It was at that 
time ruled over by the duchess Anne, who had only 
recently succeeded. Her father, duke Francis IL, died 
on the 9th September 1488. He was a weak sovereign, 
who by giving an asylum to the duke of Orleans and 
other French rebels had alienated the affections of his 
nobility, and afforded Charles VIII. a pretext for invad- 
ing his dominions. Just before his death he had been 
compelled by the disastrous battle of St. Aubin to sue 
for peace with France; which though he obtained on 
what seemed very moderate conditions, it was not 
difficult to foresee that war would soon break out again. 
By his will he appointed Marshal de Rieux guardian of 
his two daughters Anne and Isabel, whom he neverthe- 
less placed more immediately under the care of the 
countess de Laval. The administration of the govern- 
ment he left to the marshal and the counts de Dunois 
and de Comminges. Unhappily they were a council that 
could not agree. The marshal suspected Dunois of too 
great a leaning to France; but the duchess trusted the 
latter, and regarded the marshal as a traitor. 


re ee Re ee eee me 


‘The despatches contained in | portance as illustrating these rela- 
Appendix B. are of particular im- | tions, 


PREFACE. xlvii 


In 1489 France renewed her aggressions, and the 
duchess was compelled to seek help from foreign powers. 
Among others she applied to England, and Henry, who 
had hitherto sent nothing but promises, at length re- 
solved to give her active support. Machado’s two 
embassies were in the succeeding year, and the sub- 
stance of what he tells us is as follows. He and Sir 
Robert Clifford met Marshal de Rieux at Vannes! on 
the 18th of July, and had an interview with him on the 
subject of their commission. The marshal afterwards 
communicated with his council, and after supper brought 
Sir Robert to the presence of the prince of Orange and 
Madame de Laval Later in the day the marshal had 
a private conversation with Sir Robert and Machado, in 
which the latter more fully explained to him what were 
their instructions. With the purport of these the mar- 
shal declared himself satisfied, and made them known 
next day to the estates of the duchy at that time 
assembled at Vannes. On the 20th the marshal brought 
the English envoys into communication with the 
governor of Auxerre and the controller of Britanny, 
and the result of their deliberations was, that Machado 
was sent back to England to hasten the promised auxi- 
liaries from that quarter. He had no sooner returned 
than Henry sent him again to Britanny, with a message 
to Marshal de Rieux. On going thither he found, much 
to his dissatisfaction, that the Marshal had in the 
interval gone to France to treat for peace. The latter 
returned, however, to Nantes on the Ist of September, 
and he saw him the following day. When he had 


1The marshal had been in dis- | deliver her and the city into the 
grace the preceding year, having | hands of Charles VIII. He was 
refused the duchess entrance into | this year reconciled, and received 
Nantes on the plea that he had | into favor. — Lobineau, Hist. de 
reason to suspect Dunois, who | Bretagne. 
accompanied her, of conspiring to 


xlviii PREFACE. 


delivered his message, the marshal requested him to go 
with him to the duchess, and make it known to her 
also, which they had an opportunity of doing on the 
21st of September at Rennes Machado then went to 
Nantes to have a conference with the Sire D’Albret and 
others, and returned on the Ist of October to the 
duchess, whom he finally parted from on the fifth to 
return to England. 

We now come to two documents of a very peculiar 
character, belonging to the latter part of Henry’s reign. 
His queen, Elizabeth of York, died on the llth of 
_ February 1503. Whether this event, as has been sup- 
posed, diminished his security in the possession of the 
crown, we cannot say. He sought to repair his 
loss by a second matrimonial alliance. During his later 
years he entertained more than one project of the sort, 
which all came to nothing; but his first thoughts 
were directed to the young queen of Naples, widow 
of Ferdinand the Second. To ascertain how far she 
was likely to prove a suitable match for him, he sent 
three gentlemen into Spain on a very confidential 
mission. By way of introduction they were to take 
with them letters from the princess Catherine both to the 
young queen herself and to the old queen of Naples her 
mother. They were instructed to note particularly the 
style in which these two queens lived, and whatever 
they could learn about their income and expenditure ; 
to observe the young queen closely, and report her age, 
stature, and personal appearance; to describe her ge- 
neral complexion, the colour of her hair, the form of 
her nose and each individual feature. If reasons of 
state were Henry’s chief inducement to marry, it is at 
least abundantly evident that he was not indifferent 
to personal qualities. 

The instructions given to these envoys, and the 
report drawn up by them in reply to the several arti- 
cles, will be found in this volume (pp. 223-239). The 


PREFACE. xlix 


answers were very particular on every point but one. 
The ambassadors were unsuccessful in obtaining a por- 
trait of the young queen, which Henry had desired 
them to ask for as on the behalf of the princess 
Catherine, her cousin, who had never seen her. The 
old queen was so strongly opposed to this proposition, 
that they found it impossible to urge it, and the 
king had to content himself with their report. By 
it the young queen appears to have had but one 
disqualification. She was healthy, beautiful, and well 
formed, but moneyless. Her father Ferdinand had 
given her a perpetual income of 30,000 ducats a year, 
and 40,000 ducats to her mother; but since the king- 
dom of Naples had been conquered by Ferdinand the 
Catholic these revenues had been applied to the pay 
of the army, and the two queens were dependent upon 
a moderate pension out of his coffers. 

The same ambassadors (so we may call them, though and Fer- 
they do not appear to have been officially accredited ) ATranve, of 
had another commission to discharge in Spain.’ King 
Ferdinand had recently become, like Henry himself, 
a widower. Queen Isabella died on the 26th of No- 
vember 1504 As her marriage with Ferdinand had 
united the crowns of Castile and Arragon, on her death 
these were again divided, the former descending to her 
daughter Joan, wife of the archduke Philip, while the 
latter remained to Ferdinand. The event thus made 
a change not only in Spain but in Europe. Henry 
was curious to know how Ferdinand would act under 
the circumstances ; whether he meant to relinquish 
the government of Castile entirely, or retain it in his 
own hands for life, as administrator for his daughter. 
Henry had good reason to be interested in Ferdinand’s 
behalf; for though prince Arthur was dead, the princess 





' See pp. 240-281. 


1 PREFACE. 


Catherine and her rich dowry still remained in Eng- 
land, and already that second marriage had been con- 
tracted, the dissolution of which in the succeeding 
reign brought with it the downfall of the pope's 
supremacy. Ferdinand, besides, had been a constant 
ally and firm friend of Henry. The latter, therefore, 
gave his envoys very particular instructions to inquire 
not only about the above matter but about everything 
of political importance in Spain. They were to report 
whether Ferdinand was popular among his subjects, 
what factions existed among the nobles, what was the 
disposition of the king of Portugal towards him, and 
what might be the effect if the new king and queen 
of Castile were to arrive in their own dominions, If 
this event were to take place while the ambassadors 
were in Spain they were to prolong their stay for the 
purpose of making observations. 

The information elicited by these instructions was of 
a very interesting and important nature. Ferdinand 
was reputed to be a wise and politic prince, and his 
conduct fully justified the character. Immediately on 
the death of his queen he not only at once resigned 
the crown of Castile to his daughter (which many of 
his subjects wished him to retain), but caused h 
publicly to be proclaimed queen, he himself being 
present at the proclamation. He had no intention, 
however, of giving up one jot of real power. He 
retained for himself the office of governor or adminis- 
trator of the kingdom, in accordance, both with the 
will of Isabella, and, as it was said, the customary law 
of the land in such cases He would continue to re- 
ceive the revenues of the kingdom without rendering 
account to any one. Nevertheless it was possible that 
his power might be in some degree affected by the 
arrival of Philip and Joan in Spain. The people, 
generally, were attached to the constitutional principle 
of descent; and though Ferdinand, on the whole, was 


PREFACE. li 


a very popular sovereign, he imposed heavy taxes, 
which caused considerable discontent. Moreover there 
were factions in Spain, and many of the nobles who 
openly favored Ferdinand were secretly desirous of 
the coming of the “king archduke ” and his wife. But 
whatever favor might be entertained towards Philip 
by nobles or people was entirely on account of his 
consort, the true heiress of the kingdom; and though 
many were anxious for the arrival of the two toge- 
ther, there were none disposed to give him a cordial 
reception, if, as it was said he might do, he came 
without her. Such are a few of the principal matters 
touched upon in this second report. 


Of these two very interesting documents only the Mss. of 


latter is printed from the original MS. It is a folio the two 


volume preserved in the collection called “ Chapter 
House Books” (volume A. 4. 20.) in the Public Record 
Office. The water-mark of the paper is a hand and 
star. The instructions are written in a clerk’s hand, 
each at the head of a page, sometimes with one or 
two pages between, space having been left in the 
first instance according to the expected length of the 
answer which was to follow. The answers are in 
the handwriting of John Stile', who, it may be judged 
from some passages in the report, was probably the 
most active of the three ambassadors. The first 
leaf of the MS. is lost, but there is a transcript of 
the document in the Cottonian Library (MS. Ves- 
pasian, C. vi, £ 338) from which the beginning has 
been supplied. This transcript is in a hand of James 
the First's time, probably that of a clerk or amanu- 
ensis of Sir Robert Cotton. 





1 This may be ascertained by a | Henry VIIL (MS. Cott. Vesp. 
eomparison with the addresses of | C. i, 
Stile’s despatches in the reign of 
d 2 


ts. 


lii PREFACE. 


The original MS. of the document relating to the 
queen of Naples was doubtless similar in its general 
characteristics to the Chapter House book. It probably 
still exists; for in the middle of the last century it 
was stated to be in the possession of a descendant 
of one of the three ambassadors, by whose permission 
it was published in the St. James’ Chronicle of the 
Ist of August 1761, and also as a separate pamphlet 
immediately afterwards. Not having access to this, 
I have printed it from a transcript in the Cottonian 
Library (MS. Vitellius, C. xi, f 34.) in the same hand 
as the Cottonian transcript of the document relating 
to Ferdinand. This text I have corrected occasionally 
by another and somewhat earlier but only partial 
transcript (MS. Harl, 6220), noting all the variations 
between them and the printed copy at the bottom 
of the page. This earlier transcript gives only the 
instructions, with extracts from some of the answers; 
but the Cottonian transcriber has adhered strictly 
and fully to the original, only changing the spelling 
and here and there omitting a redundant word, or 
making such little verbal alterations as the substi- 
tution of “said” for “ aforesaid,” or “to” for “ unto.” 
As neither of the MSS. I have used for this docu- 
ment belongs to the period of Henry VII, I have 
printed it in modern orthography; but the spelling 
of the printed original is precisely similar to that of 
the document relating to Ferdinand in the Record 
Office, and is in itself sufficient proof that the reports 
were in both cases drawn up by the same hand. 

The numbers prefixed to the instructions in both 
these documents have been inserted by the editor, 
the articles not being numbered in the Chapter 
House book or in either of the two Cottonian transcripts ; 
but it is obvious by the blank in the original, noted 
at page 281, that the ambassadors themselves in- 
tended to number them for the purposes of reference. 


PREFACE. hu 


We have said that John Stile was probably the Notices of 
most active of the three ambassadors, and we have 7° 
shown that he drew up both reports. So ably did he 
perform his part in this business that it is not won- 
derful to find him frequently employed in after life 
in various matters of state. He was again sent 
out to Spain by Henry VII., or, it may be, continued 
there as his ambassador; and there he remained 
during the first nine years of the reign of Henry VIII. 
Several of his despatches during that period still 
exist, written in cipher.’ A very curious one will 
be found printed in our Appendix. In some of the 
others he alludes to his own private circumstances. 
His allowance was five shillings a day for his ex- 
penses and twenty pence a day for his wife, whom 
he left behind him in England; but in consequence 
of the dearness of commodities in Spain he could 
not live and maintain his servants on less than five 
shillings a day, and had been obliged to borrow 
money. To add to his perplexities, his wife had 
written to him saying that she and her children must 
go and join him in Spain, for with all the economy 
she could use she found it difficult to maintain 
them.* 

In the year 1512 an English army under the com- 
mand of the marquis of Dorset landed in Spain, to 
assist the Spaniards in the conquest of Guienne, but 


1 MS. Cott. Vesp. C. i. 

74 And also humylly y beseche 
yowr most nobyl grace for [to] 
have yn yowr most noble remem- 
berance my wyf and chylder, the 
whyche lyve porely in yowr towne 
of Plymmouthe, and have not where 
wythe for to mayntene my pore 
howsehold yn myn absence ; for y 
have nother offyce nor fee, only 


excepte fyve schelyngys by the 
day to me assynyd for my dayly 
exspence here, the whych y do 
spend here wythe more many 
tymeys. And hyt plese your 
grace, my wyf hathe wretyn hyr 
letters unto me that onles that I 
do schortely fynde the mean that 
sche may have where wythe for to 
fynd my howsehold onestly in myn 


liv PREFACE. 

found no preparations made for their reception. The 
marquis, as we learn from Hall, after waiting in vain 
for aid from Ferdinand, “called a council, and devised 
“ how they might have beasts to draw ordnance and 
“ carriages. Then one Sir John Stile, an Englishman, 
“ caused to be bought 200 mulettes and asses of such 
“ price as the Spaniards gained greatly, and when they 
“ were put to carry they would neither bear nor draw, 
“ for they were beasts which were not exercised afore. 
‘“ Then the lord marquis much lamented the chance, for 
“ if he had ready 200 drawing beasts he might have 
“ run a great way in Guienne with his power, which 
* then was not fortified, neither of men of war, nor 
“ munitions, nor artillery.” 

Stile returned to England in the spring of 1518.! 
During his residence in Spain he appears to have 
been knighted. Two years after his return he was 
appointed vice-treasurer of Ireland, which office he 





absence, that sche and my chylder 
wyl come hether to me, and I may 
cryl find them and me with the 
sayd fyve schelyngys for everry 
day, the whyche wythe grete payne 
dothe susstayne the chargys whyche 
y have here al redy ; the whyche 
hamylly I beseche your hyzghnys 
that hyt may be by yowr grace 
remembreyd.” —— Stile to King 
Henry VIIL, 9 Sept 1509, MS. 
Vesp. ©, i 56-9. (Cipher). 

The following entries on the 
patent rolls probably apply to this 
John Stile, though 1 have not seen 
him cleewhere mentioned in the 
capacities in which he is here 
spoken of: 

Patent 18 July 3 Hen. VIIL 
(A.D. 1511) p 2 m. (2) Pardon 
and release to John Stile, collector 


of customs at Plymouth and Fowey 
in the time of Henry VIL akas 
John Stile of London, draper, dis- 
charging him of all liabilities to 
the crown. 

Patent 20 January $3 Hen. VIIL 
(A.D. 1512) p. 2. m. (11). Grant 
to John Stile, one of the gentlemen 
ushers of the chamber, and Elizabeth 
his wife, in survivorship, of an an- 
nuity of 40 marks out of the customs 
of Plymouth and Fowey. 

Patent 18 October 10 Hen. VIIL 
(A.D. 1518.) p. 2 m. (34). Ap- 
pointment of John Style, kunt, as 
controller of the coinage [‘ cuna- 
gum”) and tin in cos Cornwall 
and Devon, and keeper of the gaol 
of Lostwithiel. 

1 See Spinelly’s letter of the 20th 
May 1518, MS. Vesp. c. i 154. 


PREFACE, lv 


retained till 1522.! Six years later we find him again 
mentioned by Hall. He was commanded, in what 
capacity does not appear, to release the Dutch vessels 
that had been put under arrest on the declaration of 
war against the Emperor in 1528. The same year, it 
appears by letters of his among the State Papers, he 
was in the Low Countries, inquiring and reporting 
upon various subjects connected with the commercial 
intercourse between them and England, These are the 
latest notices of him that I have found. 

Our next document relates to the ‘ king archduke” and Reception 
his queen, who were cast on the shores of England in or Eng. 
a storm when on their way to visit their new dominions land. 
in 1506. Considering the interest with which Henry 
had inquired regarding their expected visit to Spain, 
we may imagine what was his satisfaction when acci- 
dent thus threw them in his way. The document is a 
very full account, probably drawn up by a herald, of 
all the formalities of their reception at Windsor. It is 
printed from a MS. in the Cottonian library (MS. Ves- 
pasian O. x11. ff 236. sq.), which is a transcript in a 
hand of James the First's time. The original MS. is 
not known to exist, but must evidently have been 
written just after the incidents it relates. 

It is remarkable that this narrative, contrary to the 
received story, says that Philip offered to give up 
Edmund De la Pole, earl of Suffolk, without solicitation 
on Henry’s part: “And that morning unaxed, the 
“ king of Castile proferred the king to yield Ed. Rebell, 
“ &c.” Whether this outweighs the testimony of Poly- 
dore Vergil, who says that Philip consented after 
considerable scruples on obtaining from Henry a pro- 
mise to spare Suffolk’s life, I leave it to historians to 
determine. 


1 State Papers, Vol. ii. 


In PREFACE. 


Incdited We have now described the materials of which our 


MSS. Bes- 
trative ef 


Heary 


Virs 
reign. 


volume is composed, and given, we hope, sufficient 
evidences of their value to justify their publication 
among the “Chronicles and Memorials of Great 
Britain.” But before bringing these prefatory remarks 
to a close, it may still, we trust, be permitted to review 
briefly a few other edited writings which may pos- 
ably assist the historian to throw some light on this 
remarkable reign. They are almost all of the nature 
of panegyrics; but even panegyrics have their value 
for a period when all writings are scarce. 

1. We have already mentioned Petrus Carmelianus 
and his poem on the birth of prince Arthur’, which is 
entitled “Petri Carmelani Brixiensis Poets Suasoria 

“ Lætitiæ ad Angliam pro sublatis bellis civilibus et 

* Ar ES ue The argument is that God, 

the miserable state of England, lace- 
rated with civil war, convoked a meeting of the saints 
in heaven to ask their opinions as to how the long 
standing dispute between the Houses of Lancaster and 
York might be composed. The saints reply, that if the 
Omniscent Deity cared for any of their counsels, no one 
was better qualified to state how the wars might be 
terminated than king Henry the Sixth, who knew the 
country and the causes of dissension, and they recom- 
mend that he should be appealed to. Henry accord- 
ingly is called upon to reply to the Supreme Being, and 
propwees that the two Houses should be united so as to 
be one House, for which an opportunity now offered 
that had never oveurred before. Edward the Fourth 
was dead, who had stmpped him of his kingdom. 
Dying. he had left his sons to the care of his 
brother, who had ruthlessly murdered them, and usurped 
the crown. The same butcher it was, says Henry, 


\ Greaville brary. 


PREFACE. vii 


who, prompt to commit every wickedness, drove his 
sword through my own entrails.’ But, not to enlarge upon 
private injuries, he remarks there is now no male issue 
left of Edward IV.; his eldest daughter, who was wise 
and learned beyond her times, inherited her father’s 
righta* On the other hand, Henry the Sixth’s only 
son had fallen in battle, and Henry himself been mur- 
dered; but Henry of Richmond had been preserved 
from the sword of Edward the Fourth. The author 
goes on to tell us: 


“Hic puer existens placidus Richmundia proles 
Ad Gallos fugiens turgida vela dedit ; 

Sed sua cum medium pelagi ratis ipsa secaret 
Piratis casu fit nova præda maris. 

Adque ducem fertur (fuerant sic fata) Britannum 
Captivus veniens carceribusque datur. 

Sic Tibi tunc placuit puerum objectare periclis, 
Casibus et variis exagitare, Pater! 

Fortius ut juvenis tolerare pericula posset 
Vinceret et durus fortia cuncta labor.” 


And Henry concludes by recommending that the earl 
of Richmond should be liberated from prison, to assert 
his right to the kingdom, expel the tyrant, and take 
Elizabeth to wife. The Deity approves; and the poet 


me = rc ren ee ee a ee = ee eee 


1“ Hic (Edward IV.) moriens fratri natos commisit utrosque ; 
Hos male commissos perdidit ille ferux : 
Atque ubi de medio dominos geminosque nepotes 
Sustulit, assumpsit non sua regna sibi. 
Is est qui gladio sceleratus in ilia misso 
Me quoque confodit, promptus ad omne nefas.” 

The testimony even of a court poet to the crimes of Richard III. 
and the murder of the princes, must be allowed some weight, though 
not, perhaps, in itself sufficient evidence. 

3 « Filia prima manet natu pulcherrima virgo 

Nabilis Elizabet bis duo lustra tenens, 
Que, ee pee de a ten Pore Poscunt, 
Fratribus extinctis jus genitoris habet. 


iii PREFACE. 


goes on to describe at length the manner in which 
the divine decree is executed; how the captive earl 
is liberated, applies to Charles VIIL for assistance, 
lands at Milford Haven, defeats the tyrant, is declared 
king, and at the request of parliament marries the 
princess Elizabeth. The union is at length crowned 
with ofispring : 


“Moxque tumet venter ; renovat sua cornua Phoebe 
Atque implet novies: nascitur ecce puer. 
Nascitur ecce puer quo non generosior alter, 
Seu matrem quieras, seu magis ipse patrem. 
Nascitur ecce puer gemino de sanguine regum, 
Firma salus regni perpetuumque decus.” 


And the poem terminates with an exhortation to Eng- 
land to rejoice on account of the prince’s birth. 


2. The poems of John de Giglis have also been 
alluded to. They are contained in a beautiful MS. 
upon vellum in the Harleian collection,’ and are as 
follows: (1.) “ Epithalamium de nuptiis serenissimi et 
“ clementissimi Principis et Domini, Domini Henrici 
“ Dei gratia Angliæ et Francie Regis, &c ejus 
“ nominis Septimi et Serenissimæ Domine Elisabet 
‘“ ejus uxoris Regine anno salutis m° cecc° lxxxvj° per 
“« Johannem de Giglis.” The general character of this 
poem may be best shown by an extract: 


“ Ecco dies aderat regis populusque patresque 
Atria qua subeunt summis intendere rebus 
Acciti Veneranda cohors stetit ordine longo, 
Pro cunctis unus tali et sic edidit ore: 

‘Rex patriæ, qui certa salus, qui jure regenda 
Anglica sceptra tenes, crudo te hæc turba tyranno 





‘MS. HarL 336. 


PREFACE. lix 


Extincto dominum rerum regemque salutat, 
Teque patrem patriæ dicit, veneratur, adorat, 
Et regnum cessisse, Deo tibi dante, fatetur. 
Ultori scelerum cognato sanguine plenus 

Ad Stygias dimissus aquas placat ille nepotum 
Parvorum manes, tetro data victima Diti, 

Tu melior tantis hæres succedis habenis, 

Qui scelere aut nullo maculasti crimine vitam, 
Et tibi ab Henrico patruo sunt debita regna 
Ista ; equidem primusque gradus tibi cessit honoris. 
Te diadema decet, manibus quoque sceptra decoris 
Gestare ; a proavis vel si deducere Brutis 
Regna placet, titulos poteris quoque sumere justos. 
Nos populus proceresque tui si digna rogare 
Permittis, patriæ si qua est tibi cura cadentis, 
Oramus pacem miseri, finemque malorum, 
Omnis quo diro laniata est Anglia bello 

Et geminæ invaluit horrenda potentia partis. 
Dissidii nunc finis adest. Si munere tanto 
Dignos esse velis votisque intendere justis, 
Eboracensis superest clarissima virgo 

Virtutis nec stirpis egens, pulcherrima toto 
Corpore, cui facies grato suffusa nitore 

Splendet matura multum formosa juventa 
(Elisabet magni nomen dixere parentes) 

Edita, quæ primo debet succedere partu 

Jure domus celsæ, titulisque incumbere avitis, 
Hanc tibi legitimi si jungas fœdere lecti, 

Si qua pias moveant mentes preesagia veri 

Pax nos certa manet ; procul hinc insania bella, 
Armaque civili procul hinc stillantia tabo. 

Læta quies populis, veniet quoque sanctior ætas. 
Qualia Saturno fuerint sub rege redibunt 
Seecula, te tali mereatur dote puella 

Fulcris digna tuis. Votis intende precantum. 
Prostrati pedibus sacris te poscimus omnes, 
Eripe nos bellis tandem et miserere tuorum.’” 


1x PREFACE. 


(2) Two epigrams on the name of Arthur, and a 
eo or birthday ode in his honor, remarkable 
as illustrating the importance attached to this old 
Britash name and the memories connected with it. It 
will be seen how Bernard André in the commencement 
of his work (pp. 9—11.), evidently not thinking it advi- 
sable to say much about Henry’s descent from Edward 
the Third, goes back to his old Welsh ancestry in the 
times of Cadwalo and Cadwallader, and speaks of his 
consanguinity to foreign potentates as a subject on which 
many had already written It is evident that either 
from policy or natural inclination Henry loved to hear 
his ancient pedigree talked about; and the birth and 
name of prince Arthur afforded an excellent opportunity 
for the flatieries of the poets. The prophecy that the 
former prince Arthur would come again is referred to 
as having been accomplished in the birth of this boy. 
“ Quicunque Arturum vates prædixerat olim 
Venturum reducem, maximus ille fuit. 
Consiliis Superum, jamjam cognoscere fas est, 
Affuit ; en dictis preestitit ipse fidem. 
Arturi rediere boni non nomina tantam, 
Credite, sed redeunt inclyta facta viri” ! 
$ The poems of Johannes Opicius These are con- 
tained in an illuminated MS, in the Cottonian Collection 
(Vespasian. B 1v.), and consist of, 1) A heroic poem in 
Latin hexameters on Henry the Sevenths French war ; 
(2) An eukwgium of Henry in the form of a dialogue 
between Mopeus and Melibœus; (3) An exhortation to 
mwtals te celebrate the birthday of Christ (at the 


_ — ee nd 


So ae ia Peeres Carmelianes who uses almost the very same 
ww ia ome part >— 
= Arthares red:x per srccls tarts sepalras, 
Qu reyem mead prema corona fuit. 
Tike. eet corpes werris et membra dedisert, 
Vivbet wee semper in orbde tamen. 


PREFACE. Ixi 


end of which is the date 1497) ; (4) A hymn of praise for 
Henry’s victory ; (5) Lines on the presentation of his 
book to the king. These are of very little value except 
as an illustration of the classical style of the day. 
The following lines in praise of the king may be taken 
as a specimen : 
“Jam dea belligeri clausit Pax limina Jani, 
Et sedit impatiens jam super arma Furor. 
Ferrea nunc nobis fugierunt tempora ; sed jam 
Consurgunt fatis Aurea Sæcla suis. 
Jam licet e medio decerpere gaudia fonte, 
Loraque letitiz tradere tempus adest. 
Vos quoque, lactiferæ, deceat mea cura, capellæ. 
Insidiis forti spernere corde lupos. 
Jamque iter accipias nullis satiate, viator, 
Divitiis; umbra luceque tuta via est. 
Quo duce, qui forsan dicent, hæc commoda! nobis 
Tradita sunt lztis commoda temporibus ? 
Septimus Albionum Henricus, qui sceptra gubernat 
Quo nihil in toto clarius orbe viget. 
Ile est purpurei splendor quem floris obumbrat : 
Rubra potest merito dicier, ecce, Rosa ; 
Nam veluti rosa rubra viget virtute probandus 
Non minor hic tali tam diadema licet. 
Hic est qui magnas jamjam tenet orbis habenas, 
In cujus gremio pax manet, arma pio. 
Hic est (hunc libuit dis rerum agnoscere causas) 
Cui paucos nôrunt sæcula nostra pares. 
Temporibus si sunt fidei vestigia nostris, 
Illius in niveo pectore certa fides. 
Si Probitas terris, pariterque Astrea morantur, 
Has retinet sanctis moribus ille deas. 
Somnia ne quisquam credat me fingere. Nunquid 
Justitiam in terras allicit a Superis ? 
Hic specimen rerum, exemplum et probitatis habetur 
Egregiæ, miseris spesque salusque viris. 


' Sic: qu. quomodo? 


Ixiv PREFACE. 


prediction: “Ipse indubitanter devotus erit et bonus 
* ecclesiasticus.” 

6. Lastly, there is a valuable English chronicle, 
which I hope will not long remain accessible only in 
MS., beginning in the year 1215 and ending in 1509, 
the first year of Henry VIII! In form, it is precisely 
similar to Fabyan’s chronicle, that is to say, it is a set 
of City annals, the events of each year forming a 
separate chapter, with the names of the mayor and 
sheriffs of London for that year at the head. In 
some parts even the language is almost identical with 
that of Fabyan, showing clearly that the one chronicle 
must have been derived from the other, or both from 
& common source. But in various portions of the 
reign of Henry VII., and especially the latter part, 
it contains much more ample and minute information, 
which is frequently of considerable value. 


I have now only to tender my best thanks to all 
who have in any way assisted me in this work. A 
special acknowledgment is due to the courtesy of 
Sir Charles Young, Garter king of arms, and the 
other gentlemen of the Herald’s College, not only for 
permission to transcribe Machado’s Journals, but for 
granting me access to the valuable MS. collections of 
Austis, from which are chiefly derived the particulars 
I have given of his life. I have also been frequently 
indebted to the advice of the Reverend J. S. Brewer, 
Professor of English Literature in King’s College, 
London, and to various other friends. 


\ MS. Cott., Vitellius, A. xv1. 


BERNARDI ANDREA THOLOSATIS, 


POETÆ LAUREATI, REGII HISTORIOGRAPHI, 


DE VITA ATQUE GESTIS 
HENRICI SEPTIMI, 


ANGLIÆ AC FRANCLE REGUM POTENTISSIMI SAPIENTISSIMIQUE, 


HISTORIA. 


BERNARDI ANDREA THOLOSATIS 
DEDICATIO. 


REGIÆ CELSITUDINI, 


Cato ille Senior, invictissime regum, non minus Dedication, 


otii quam negotii rationem, tam claris quam pusillis 
ingeniis habendam esse, in primordio suarum scripsit 
Originum. Quod [quidem'] dictum quum multis 
placuisse videam doctis viris, tum precipue Cicero 
noster amplectitur; magnificum sibi semper ac præ- 
clarum visum esse in ea qua Plancum defendit 
oratione testatur. Id mihi quoque, si vel pro ingenii 


mediocritate, vel pro non mediocri gloriæ cupiditate, 


(si tamen hanc’ nondum fræno animi ac ratione per- 
domui) providendum est. Quid primum prestare nitar 
nisi ut, sicut ego a negotiis, sic ab otio modo procul 
absit inertia? Et si quid forte mansurum scripsero, 
his potissimum inscribam, quorum gloriæ quadam velut 
participatione clarescere tenebrisque resistere valeam, 
quas mihi temporum fusca profunditas et nominum 
consumptrix illustrium obliviosa posteritas intentat. 
Quod versanti animo spe equidem tuum sacratissi- 
mum nomen occurrit, et usque adeo fulgidum in se 
atque ita de me meritum ut seu preclara seu mihi 


‘This word is written in the and appears intended to be inserted 
margin in a contemporary hand, | here. 
A 2 


e 

J 
se 

oe? 


eae 
eo ‘+ 


An's DEDICATIO, 


scare complectar, præteriri sine gravi quodam non posait 


…..injustitia. Accedit quod ex mea erga tuam sereni- 
‘"«'tatem peculiari servilique observantia, ut frugum 


" cæteri, sic ego tibi decimas otii debere videor, primi- 
tiasque vigiliarum. Itaque tibi quotannis, plus minusve, 
pro ingenii ubertate vel sterilitate annua persolvere 
est animus; quo, velut unus e colonis tuis, his saltem 
fructibus quos agellus meus fert agnoscere intelligar 
bonam fidem. Quid vero nunc prius ex me potissimum 
speres, quam, quod et in ore et in corde semper habui, 
et ipse qui modo sub oculis est locus hortatur 
solitarius, Regis Henrici Septimi preeconium, quod cum 
sæpe olim solus, tum maxime hoc tempore mecum, ne 
mihi torpentem sopiret inertia sensum, describere ausus 
sum ; rem profecto meis viribus imparem. Sed præludio 
quodam, ut Papinius in Achille, quid possim experiar, 
nunquam antea tam excellens tamque magnificum 
opus aggressus, Tuæ igitur excellentissimæ majestati, 
hac epistolari præfatione, prægustationem quamdam 
studiorum meorum suppliciter offero; hoc unum obse- 
crans ut, quicquid præter rerum aut temporum ordinem 
in ipsa tua regia vita apposui, non mihi succenseat 
tua Jovialis humanitas Nam dum hec dictarem 
neminem præter meipsum consultorem invenire potui. 
Quare, ut cæcus in tenebris ambulans, audaciæ potius 
quam negligentiæ abs te accusatum iri potevolui. Sed 
cum styli mei ruditatem qualitatemque deprehenderis, 
ac mihi posthac scribendi materiam preestari edixeris, 
si non. egregie, at vere, fideliterque, quantulacumque 
possum, industria mea idipsum luculenter scribere ten- 
tabo, annuente Domino Jesu Christo, qui regia semper 
tua vota secundet. 





GG 


BERNARDI ANDREA THOLOSATIS 


IN VITAM 


HENRICI SEPTIMI 
PRÆFATIO. 


Henrict SEPTIMI, Anglis ac Francie Regum faus- Preface. 
tissimi victoriosissimique vitam ac gesta perquam 
veridice scripturo, mihi imprimis opere pretium 
videtur ob propositam rerum gestarum magnitudinem, 
ut Plutarchus Græcus historiographus in Regis Alex- 
andri Cæsarisque vita inquit, “nihil aliud quam excu- 
sationem lectoribus preefari; ut si, amputatis plurimis, 
haud unamquamque rerum famosissimarum in nume- 
rum explicamus, ne nos carpant, quum non tam 
historiam quam vitam perscribere in animo sit. Pre- 
terea non usquequaque clarissima gesta virtutem 
flagitiaque declarant; verum exigua per se res, ac 
verbum locusque! quispiam mores magis aperit quam 
hostes infiniti prælio cæsi, ingentes acies et expugnata 
oppida. Quemadmodum igitur pictores, neglectis cæteris 


a en Re de ee ee ee 


! Sic, pro jocusque. 


The au- 
thor’s rea- 
sons for 
writing. 


6 PREFATIO. 


partibus, ex facie a vultus forma, unde morum in- 
dicium extat, similitudines capiunt, sic et nobis 
indulgendum est ut animorum signa ineamus, per ea 
tanti Regis vitam significantes, ejus amplitudinem ac 
res bellicas aliis relinquentes.” Adde quod Macedoniz’ 
ille fulgor magnus Alexander Cherilo sua gesta scribere 
cupienti respondisse fertur, “ Malo Homeri Thersites 
esse quam Cherili Achilles,” merito in me idem retor- 
queri poterit, quamvis Homerum quoque oculis captum 
fuisse Valerius idoneus testis est. Redeo ad Alexan- 
drum qui, ut idem Plutarchus narrat, edictum fecit 
ne quis se preter Apellem pingeret, aut alius Lysippo 
duceret æra; alter enim pictor, alter statuarius fuit 
egregius. Quid Hector ille fortissimus apud Neevium? 
Numquid parente suo Priamo Asiæ Regnatore poten- 
tissimo sese laudari maxime gloriatur? Talibus itaque 
ac tantis eximiis laudatoribus etsi homuncio ipse 
minime conferendus eram, fide tamen inconcussa huic 
prudentissimo regi, compertissima simul affectione, 
beneficentia ac debita observantia in ipsum punctus, 
stimulatus, et, ut verius dicam, admirabilium virtutum 
suarum splendore? accensus et inflammatus, propositi 
mei rationem, opus, videlicet, tametsi viribus meis 
impar, audentius quam tanta res expostularet aggre- 
diendum mihi in animum induxeram. Post igitur im- 
petratam studiis meis quietem, quam per quatuor annos 
Arturo Walliæ principi nobilissimo literatissimoque 
et prædicti regis primogenito erudiendo impenderam, 
de vita atque gestis præfati jam principis genitoris 
excellentissimi scribere sum exorsus, anno videlicet 





1 Maccduni in MS. | # spendore in MS. 


PRÆFATIO. 7 


gratiæ quingentesimo supra mille, Beatissimi Papa 
Alexandri Sexti pontificatus anno decimo, et ante- 
memorati regis regni anno sextodecimo. Quocirca 
excusandæ, ut prædixi, imbecilitatis meæ gratia, lectores 
suppliciter oratos velim, ut si quid minus eruditum 
aut perperam positum (quod quidem factu facillimum 
est) in hac regia vita deprehenderint, ne id justitiæ 
meæ, sed historiæ sublimitati ascribant, meminerintque 
Hieronimianum illud, grandes materias ingenia parva 
non perferunt, et in ipso conatu rerum supra vires 
ausa succumbunt. Verum, ut inquit beatus Augustinus, 
“Magnum opus et arduum, sed Deus noster adjutor est.” 
Quapropter, ne præfationis modum excedam, id quod 
Sallustius, ut ipsi placet Augustino, historiæ veritate 
princeps clarissimus, de se vere prædicat, mihi quoque 
haud abs re hoc in loco usurpandum censui: “At mihi 
quidem, tametsi haudquaquam par gloria sequatur 
scriptorem et auctorem, tamen imprimis arduum vi- 
detur res gestas scribere ; primum quia facta dictis 
exæquanda sunt; dehinc quia plerique delicta que 
reprehenderis malevolentia et invidia dicta putant ; 
ubi de magna virtute atque gloria bonorum memores, 
quæ sibi quisque facilia factu putat æquo animo 
accipit ; supra ea. veluti ficta pro falsis ducit.”! Igitur 
ubi animus ex multis miseriis requievit, et ‘reliquam 
ætatem a curia procul habendam decrevi, non fuit 
consilium socordia atque desidia bonum otium con- 
terere, sed a quo incepto studio me ambitio mala 
detinuerat, eodem regressus, statui res gestas Regis 
Henrici Septimi carptim, ut quæque memorize? mihi 


— 


1 Sallust; Bell. Cat, iii, | * memoria, MS. 


His work 
com- 


menced 
A.D. 1500. 


8 PRÆFATIO. 


occurrentia, absque ullo instructore, digna mihi vide- 
bantur, perscribere ; eo magis quod mihi animus liber- 
rimus tunc erat. Quapropter de vita atque gestis ipsius 
quam verissime potero paucis absolvam. De cujus 
regali utriusque parentis origine pauca prius expla- 
nanda sunt: a quibus jamjam Christo duce initium 
dicendi faciam. 


BERNARDI ANDREÆ THOLOSATIS 


DE VITA ATQUE GESTIS 


HENRICI SEPTIMI 
HISTORIA. 








De Reguli utriusque parentis ipsius origine. 


Regiam utriusque parentis prosapiam longe nobilis- A-D. 1457. 
simam ducens a Bruto cunctisque ab illo retroactis Royal de- 
principibus ex parte patris, cui Edmundo Richemondiæ Henry VIL 
comiti nomen fuit Ex parte vero matris a Katherina 
Francie, Castellæ, Lusitaniæ, Scotiæque regibus et plu- 
rimis Alemanniæ imperatoribus descensus ejusdem nobi- 
litatis præcellenti stemmate illustrissimus est; usque 
adeo omnes et superioris et suæ ætatis Christianos 
principes antiquitate et excellentia nobilitatis excellit. 

Atque, ut sui genitoris ab antiquis Britannis regibus by the fa- 
descensum breviter attingam, Sancti Cadvaladri, cui" 
post longa temporum intervalla idem Henricus legitime 
successit, et Cadvalonis præfati Cadvaladri genitoris, si 
pauca de multis illorum præclarissimis gestis attigero, 
priores Britonum reges, ne histories modum excedam, 
a quibus idem rex originem duxit, preesens in tempus 
omittam. Interim quod ad Cadvaladrum sanctum 
attinet, imprimis illud memoria dignum occurrit quod 
postquam Cadvaladri' pater, Cadvalo filius Caduani, 
Eduynum regem Northumbrorum filium regis Ethel- 


eho 





1 Cadvaladrum in MS. 


A.D. 
1457-71. 


10 BERNARDI ANDREZ 


fridi interfecit, ejus quoque jussu Penda rex Merciorum 
Sanctum Odvaldum peremit, idem Cadvalo omnes 
reges Angliæ subjugavit, cunctosque sibi tributarios 
fecit, regnavitque annis quadraginta septem; cujus 
corpus ad terrorem Saxonum in imagine ænea super 
equum æneum ad occiduam Londoniæ portam colloca- 
tum est, inscriptique sunt et insculpti hi duo versus: 


“ Rex jacet in muro Cadvalo Londoniensi, 
Angligenas duro qui funere subdidit ensi” 


Hujus Cadvalonis, ut ante dixi, filius Cadvaladrus 
erat, successitque patri in regno Britanniæ, quam nunc 
Angliam vocamus. Hujus autem tempore fames et mor- 
talitas dira Britannum populum invaserunt ; adeo quod 
Vivi qui superaverant suos sepelire mortuos pre multi- 
tudine minime poterant. Rex vero cum multis Britoni- 
bus Dei jussu mortem fugiens Alanum Britanniæ Minoris 
Regem adiit ; ubi tandem, divina admonitione consultus, 
sæculo renuncians Romam profectus est, et a Sergio 
Papa in sancto proposito confirmatus, parvo post tem- 
pore vita functus est, sanctusque vite suse probitate ac 
miraculis longe lateque coruscantibus ab eodem beato 
pontifice ac toto venerabilium Cardinalium Collegio 
canonice declaratus. Tempore jam ex illo usque ad 
Henrici Septimi illius legitimi successoris in Angliam ad- 
ventum Britonum regnum Anglorum sævitia intercalatum 
est, et Angli regnare cœperunt. Post itaque prædicti 
Cadvaladri obitum usque ad Henricum Septimum 
Britonum regno intermisso, Britones vocabulum amise- 
runt, et Wallenses ab eorum duce Wallone sunt 
cognominati; quibus Arturus secundus, antenominati 
regis primogenitus princeps, cum hæc scriberem domi- 
nabatur. Angli autem, ut dixi, qui tunc remanserant 
et peste superfuerant, incolis de Germania ad se voca- 
tis, insulam inter se dividentes dominium ac regnum 
Britonum postea repulerunt, Angliamque ab Angu- 
laribus Saxoniæ populis denominaverunt. Hanc jure 


VITA HENRICI VII. 11 


divino atque humano post tam longa tempora, post A.D. 
tot bella, clades, et interneciones ab Richardo tertio, 1457-71. 
qui Edwardi Quarti germani sui binos filios, Eduardum 
scilicet principem, et Richardum ducem Eboraci cru- 
deliter interemit, divina vindicante, volente, juvanteque 
potentia, tamquam ab hoste truculentissimo liberans, 
tyrannidem illius, parva manu morte subacto trucida- 

toque pro meritis Richardo, ab insula profligavit ; et 
regnare cϾpit post illius necem toti regno commodis- 
simam, anno videlicet millesimo quadringentesimo 485. 
octogesimo quinto. Et de ipsius clarissimi genitoris 

sui nobilissima genesi hactenus. Nunc illustrissimæ 
parentis dominæ, dominæ Margarete: ex præclarissimo 
genere quam brevissime potero paucis explicabo. 

Quomodo igitur rex in consanguinitatis gradu existat and by the 
materno genere cum Francia, Navarra, ducibus Aure- mother's. 
lianis, Borboniis, domo Andegaviæ, imperatoribus 
Lusitaniz et Burgundiæ, et item cum regina Cas- 
tellæ, rege Scotiæ, ac Duodecim Paribus' -Franciæ 
et majoribus Britanniæ, necnon cum statibus et maxi- 
mis dominis regni sui sacratissimæ suæ majestati 
subditis, enarrare perlongum esset. Sed quia de hac 
genealogia libelli hoc in regno plurimi extant 
novissime ad examen veritatis absolutissimeque ab 
regni peritissimis compositi, a Katherina Henrici 
Quinti conjuge et filia Francie, postea Eduyno præfati 
regis avo paterno antememorato,’? ab regibus Britannis 
successore, legitimo matrimonio copulata initium faciam. 
Regiæ itaque domine matris Margarete feminæ nobi- 
lissimze, tum vitæ integritate, tum sanctimonia ccelitus 
dotatæ, descensum paucis expediam. Et ne interea 
dominæ matris descensus memoria excidat, Joannes 
dux Lancastriæ, Philippus rex Lusitaniæ, Alienor Im- 


1 patribus, MS. Owen, not Edwin, and is not pre- 
?There are two errors here. | viously mentioned in this work. 
Henry VII's grandfather was named 


A.D. 


His birth, 


and carly 
education. 


12 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


peratrix, Elizabeth duxissa Burgundiæ, Karolus ejus 
maritus, Maria Burgundiæ duxissa Austriæ uxor Maxi- 
miliani, Eduardus rex Lusitaniæ, Maximilianus Roma- 
norum rex et imperator, Joannes comes Sumbreset, 
Joannes dux de Somberset pater Margaretæ comi- 
tissæ Richemondiæ et regiæ matris. Ex qua Hen- 
ricus Septimus rex Angliæ ac Franciæ, de quo nunc 
sermo noster est, ipsius regis egregium genus nobili- 
tatum illustravit. Et de ipsius clarissima genealogia 
hæc hactenus. 


De loco et tempore nativitatis Henrici Septimi. 


Natus est Henricus Rex Septimus [Calixto Tertio'] 
Romano pontifice et Henrico Sexto regnante in hoc 
regno summa cum virtutis et probitatis gratia, usque 
adeo ut in hodiernum usque diem beatus ille rex ob 
multa qu indies ejus meritis Deus ostendit miracula 
ab omnibus longe lateque prædicetur : mense vero 
Januarii, et Februarii kalend. decimoseptimo, die qui- 


dem Sanctæ Agnetis Secundæ faustissima,? hora vero 
* * + * #1 


De loco ubi natus est. 


Locus autem cui torrentis caput vernacule Pembrouc 
nomen est. Castrum siquidem in meridionali Walliæ 
plaga ad mare vergens munitissimum ipsius natalem 
diem faustum et felicem propter situs naturam fuisse 
clarissime demonstrat. 


De loco ube nutritus fuit. 


Educationis locus illi pro aéris et corporis salubri- 
tate ut infantibus assolet esse principibus, varius in 


2 ee 





' Blank in MS. | correspond to the 16th of Januaty, 
* There is a discrepancy here. | but the day of St. Agnes the Second 
The 17th calends of February should | was the 28th of that month: 


‘VITA HENRICI VII. 13 


Wallia ac multiplex fuit, usque adeo anni temporibus 
variis pro tuenda valetudine ita exigentibus. Et quia 
in tenella ætate sæpe valetudinarius fuit, tenere a suis 
nutritoribus educabatur, viris alioquin probis atque 
prudentibus. 
+ + * * * #1 
Post ubi jam sapere ccepisset optimis probatissi- 
misque præceptoribus primis  litterarum elementis 
erudiendus traditur; qui tanta ingenii acrimonia tan- 
toque vivacitatis et capacitatis dono preeditus erat, ut 
omnia que ad cultum divinum pertinerent, brevi et 
inopinato omnium cogitatu, parvulus adhuc sine magno 
docentium labore didicerit. Quo quidem tempore in 
puero summa virtutis indoles prælucebat, quando- 
quidem divinum adeo attentus et legebat et audiebat 
officium, ut videntibus cunctis future probitatis ac 
felicitatis preesagium indicaretur. Postquam vero ephe- 
bus literariz disciplinæ primordiis initiaretur, eadem 
qua in primis characteribus, intellectus  velocitate 
coævos omnes anteibat. Itaque memini equidem 
literatissimum et optimum præceptorem suum magis- 
trum Andream Scotum (cujus anima quiescat cum 
beatis) tunc Oxonii sacras litteras profitentem, mihi 
dicere solitum, nunquam tantæ celeritatis illa state 
capacem doctrinæ puerum se audivisse. Morum pre- 
terea nobilium tantus decor, tanta vultus regii venus- 
tas et gratia, tanta pulchritudo ei inerat, ut felicissime, 
in quo nunc victoriosissimus triumphator ut pacificus 
Salomon statum omnibus illius statis mortalibus luce 
clara protenderet. 


De repentino ipsius hinc abitu. 


Regnante igitur felicissimæ recordationis Henrico 
ut prædixi Sexto, malignus regni sui tranquillitati 


} Blank in MS, 


A.D. 


A.D. 
1457-71. 


The earl 
of Pem- 
broke ap- 
proves. 


16 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


summa fides et taciturnitas habebatur, hos primitus 
defecisse. Profecto, nisi mea me fallit opinio mater- 
nusve animus, quo pericula cuncta devitemus, mare 
tantum nobis auxiliabitur. Nec clam est ponti dis- 
crimina permagna fore: sed in hac tempestate, oceani 
quam terre fluctibus vita magis tutabitur; quod si aliter 
eveniat, cœlo tegitur qui non habet urnam; mallem, 
quod Deus avertat, quam tyranni cruentis illum 
interimi gladiis. Dixi hactenus quz mihi videban- 
tur: vos, frater optime, si qua melius videritis precor 
animadvertite.” 


Domini Conutis de Pembrouc Responsio. 


“ Sapienter profecto, prudentissima domina soror 
mea carissima, in hoc calamitoso tempore quænam 
sequenda quæque fugienda videantur prudentia vestra 
prævidit: que sane tam circumspecte tamque sagaciter 
omnia prospexit, ut mihi alius dicendi locus non sit 
derelictus. Quare, ut paucis expediam, trajectio mihi 
imprimis necessaria videtur. Hanc igitur libens pro 
amore erga vos meo provinciam aggrediar, curaboque 
in filium vestrum nepotem meum tantam diligentiam 
adhibere ut si meus esset filius non majorem prestare 
possem.” | 

His ultro citroque protractis * * #1 
accersuntur viri siquidem integra fide et præstanti? 
sapientia præditi, qui hujusmodi grande negotium 
dirigentes puerum comitem Richemundie accuratius 
observent. Convenere autem quibus aut odium crudele 
tyranni aut metus acer erat. Tempus itaque, locus, 


rm me me mr ee Ce ee eee ee 


} Blank ia MS, | * prestantia in MS, 


VITA HENRICI VII. 17 


navesque providentur, sicque paucis admodum consciis A.D. 
navigatio preesto et parata fuit. 1977, 
* * * * * #1 

Bonis autem avibus et Junone secunda pelago se Henry 
committunt, Galliam consulto petituri; verum furen- Brtanny. 
tibus austris in Britanniam Minorem tandem ejecti 
sunt. 

Dux Britanniæ Franciscus,? princeps state illa 
optimus benignissimusque, summo cum gaudio illum 
excepit, Deo Optimo Maximo gratulabundus; quippe 
qui sciret (sic enim ab aliis acceperat) illum quando- 
que in Anglia® regnaturum. Hunc, igitur, omnibus 
humanitatis, comitatis, beneficentiæ ac liberalitatis 
officiis prosequens tanti facere ccepit, ut nihil ad 
cumulum addi posset; suisque comitibus placido sic 
retulit ore: 


Franciset Britannic Ducis Oratio. 


“Vix dici potest, clarissimi viri, quanta nunc animi The duke 
jocunditate perfundar. Audieram enim antea satis, taney 
jam satis, illustrium virorum vestratium proscriptiones, speech. 
et aufugia acceperam, factiones adverteram, diutinas 
inter vos dissensiones, rixas, æmulationes, clades, ever- 
siones : quo fit ut mediusfidius minime mirer si hic 
adolescentulus princeps profligatus huc appulerit; et 
sibi* plurimum gratulor quia per terre marisque 
discrimina sospes et salvus emerserit. Et revera quum 
ipsius vultum faciemque corporis intueor magis 
magisque ad se amandum accendor. Video enim 
nature bonitatem pre se ferre, contemplor ingenuam 
indolem, admiror in tam parva etate gravitatem, 


' Blank in MS. words “ Infelix sibi” written at 
? Francis IL the top of the page in a contem- 
* Angliam, MS. porary hand. The words “ad se” 


4 The inaccurate use of this | in the new sentence are under- 
word is noted in the MS. by the | lined. 


B 


A.D. 
1457- 7 1 . 


18 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


compositos mores, mansuetudinem, humilitatem, atque 
innatam et divinitus inditam probitatem. Quibus 
hercule argumentis facile ad credendum inducor ipsum 
aliquando ad summa reipublicæ gubernacula perven- 
turum. Quare agite, 6 proceres, et nostris succedite 
tectis. Polliceor enim vobis et bona fide promitto 
illum ac vos perinde ac ipsius meos familiares ac 
domesticos pari me benevolentia prosecuturum.” Hec 
ubi dixit, lum manu gratiose apprehendens, in regiam 
suam cum magna hilaritate perduxit, jussitque dein- 

ceps sibi ac suis omnibus ita necessaria ministrari 
ac reliquis sibi intimis ac consanguinitate propinquis 
optimatibus. 


De Comite Marchiæ Eduardo. 


Interea magnis gravissimisque dissensionibus atque 
procellis flagrare cœpit ipsa Anglin. Et comes Marchi 
Eduardus ducis Ebourachi filius, nescio qua stimulatus 
accensusque Furia, ad regni tyrannidem aspiravit, 
regemque illum optimum Henricum Sextum primo 
clandestinis, post apertis prosecutus est odiis. Sed 
Deus omnium speculator et æquissimus judex non 
passus est sanctum virum insidias latere. Quare 
perspecta illius suorumque malignitate ac perfidia, non 
se illis credebat amplius. Sed quo magis tegitur 
magis æstuat ignis, et pallida Tisiphone' faces 
nccendit mortiferas, quibus illos ad violandum fidem 
nc jusjurandum excitat. Jam omnia armis regni loca 
resonant, bella undiquaque cientur, et in sanctum 
regem parantur exitia. Mirum dictu est quid sit occulti 
potentia fati; quo alii ad bona, alii ad mala feruntur 


a ee ee ee ee > —— _ —_. ane 
ew — - 


' Note in MS. “ Ultrix cædis ; est enim una ex Furiis.” 


VITA HENRICI VIL 19 


precipites. Unde non injuria tragicus' exclamat, 
“Fata nolentem trahunt, volentem ducunt.” Hoc ideo 
dixerim quia Richardus, comitis præfati Marchiorum 
frater, Glaucestriæ dux, si vera est fama, ad regem 
innocentissimum trucidandum decernitur ; huic namque 
ab unguiculis sanguinolenta placuere facinora. 

Sed priusquam ad altiora conscendam, digressione hoc 
in loco utendum mihi peropus est, qua prius detestabilem 
iloram mutuo conflictationem ac furibundam concer- 
tationem inter se aperiam. Qua in parte lectores 
rogatos velim ut me excusatum habeant, si illorum 
temporum procellas per gestorum seriem non exequar. 
Nam illis ego temporibus non aderam, neque antea 
quicquam de his auribus acceperam.  Præterea, ut in 
præfatione dixi, non tam historiam quam vitam enarro, 
atque utinam ad illam expoliendam suis laudibus 
atque preconiis idoneus essem. Certe dum hxc 
scriberem relatorem sive recensorem quempiam non 
habebam, qui mihi, ut principio optaveram, dicendo- 
rum materiam mihi proponeret. Quare ut cæcus in 
tenebris ambulans sine ductore, nihil preter auditum 
habeo. Ad hæc accedit hebes tantarum rerum et 
obtusa malis mens atque memoria. Quas ob res si 
parum ordinate singula carptimque non’ attigero, ignos- 
cant mihi precor humillime qui nostra legent. Nam 
preludia sunt hæc, et quasi prægustamenta, et ad 
fallendum tempus et otium a me solo premeditata. 
Audacibus itaque cceptis, quæ restant cursim hincinde, 
ut apes solent per varios incidere flores, prosequamur. 


cS 6 ~_ - - + = 


1 In margin Seneca. | *Sic in MS. 


B 2 


A.D. 
1457-7] 


20 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1471. De Intestinis Bellis. 


Fate of Hæc ego, ut prædixi, bella intestina quo potissimum 

Herey yz, ordine exequar diversus agor. Sed ut quæque phantasiæ 
et memorize sese offerunt discriminatim sine ordine, 
a nobis referuntur. Fuit illis diebus comes Warwici, 
vir populo carissimus belloque potentissimus, qui pro 
Henrico Rege tunc strenue militans in campo inter- 
emptus est * * * . #1 
Quo, ut aiunt, rex ipse Henricus ab illo qui 
coronam jam usurpaverat, post partam  victoriam 
adducitur. Quo bello illustres duo germani, comes 
videlicet præfatus, et marchio Montis Acuti, fortiter 
pugnando ceciderunt. Rex ipse postea rebus compo- 
sitis, Eduardus, inquam, ille comes Marchiæ a nobis 
supra cognominatus, jam regio fulgens honore, quid 
cum Henrico Sexto Rege beato faceret meditabatur. 
Post vero multa versanti tandem optimum factu visum 
est ut illum morti traderet. Non possum hoc in loco 
me lacrymis abstinere, dum mecum in sanctum virum 
truculentiam, immanitatem, crudelitatem, secreta mente 
revolvo; quare paululum ab incepto divertens non 
sine magno doloris testimonio exclamare libet. 


Auctoria lacrymora exclamatio. 


Omnipotens æterne Deus qui cuncta creasti ex 
nihilo ; qui mundum hunc perpetua ratione gubernans, 
per totum orbem regna partitus® es; in quibus modo 
illum humilias, modo istum exaltas. Exaltas, in- 
quam, humiles, tollis de pulvere viles ; quænam tibi 
ab eterno hujus regni Anglorum causa te movit ut 


' Blank in MS, | * pertitus in MS, 


VITA HENRICI VIL 21 


illos tanta perturbationum vicissitudine impune gau- A.D. 1471. 
dere permittas? Bone Deus, etsi ab mundi exordio 
omnia prævidisti præscivistique, tamen quibusdam 
longam criminum suorum impunitatem protrahens, alios 
in stuporem adducis ; qui cum sceleratissimum quemque 
videant improbitati suæ votum habere mirantur, sane 
maxime a te mortalia vix curari! suspicantur. Nam 
boni et innoxii plectuntur, mali præsumunt. Rex iste 
tuis semper mandatis obedivit justus, pius, innocens ; 
et permittis tamen sceptrum regni a manibus suis 
violenter abstrahi, et ab illo qui ambitione mala 
nullo jure nititur usurpari Sed longius quam insti- 
tutum nostrum exigat ingenti perculsus amore per- 
vagatus sum ad Te; non sine ratione, siquidem tam 
boni principis tam Deo grati me crudelis turbat 
exitus. Verumtamen Tibi, 6 regnorum regumque 
Ordinator et Rector, ita Tibi complacitum est ut per 
multas hujus vite anxietates ad Te denique perveni- 
amus. Sic et in isto rege sancto factum esse nunc 
demum compertum est, qui regali solio perperam deposi- 
tus, coelesti diademate cum supernis regibus coronatur. 
Tlli autem, qui illum cruciavere, pœnas suis meritis 
condignas luunt. Sed ad ipsum regem optimum re- 
vertamur. 


De crudeli Sancti Regis morte. 


Cum per multa retro tempora rex jure suo spolia- His affiic- 
tus in carcere detentus esset, lugeretque tum con- ety 
sortis suæ clarissimæ Margarete: regine exilium, tum 
strenuissimi filii sui principis mortem intempestam (is 
enim paulo ante Bernardi campum® in Theoxberye 


ee 


e 


' curare, MS. bury was fought twenty days after 
* The word ante should have | that of Barnet. 
been post. The battle of Tewkes- 


A.D. 1471. 


92 BERNARDI ANDREA 


prelio belligerens ceciderat), diuturnis nihilominus ad 
Deum precibus quotidie laborabat ut Deus illum a 
tantis absolutum malis, ne extremam regni ruinam 
cerneret, divino se nutu liberaret. Atque, ut paucis 


' que tunc idem rex bonus orabat expediam, orationis 


His prayer. 


ipsius effectum hic inserui. 


Divi Henrici Oratio. 


“Si pro tot tantisque malis, dulcissime Jesu, perinde 
ac pro bonis, tibi gratias non agam, sum plane 
ingratus. Quantas etenim mihi in hoc vite cursu 
fortunas tum bonas tum malas dederis non clam te est. 
Bonas autem pariter et malas de manu tua libenter 
suscepi, qui solem tuum facis oriri supra bonos et 
malos et pluis super justos et injustos. Prosperitates 
quas mihi contulisti non jactantia, sed pro gratiarum 
actione repeto. Parentem utrumque mihi dedisti 
regum progenie nobilissima antiquissimaque procreatum. 
Genitoris autem mei in Gallia innumera pene gesta 
referre locus iste fortassis expostularet. Verum ad 
alia properat oratio. Unum illud de me ad Dei 
gloriam recusebo. 

“Pariseorum urbe  florentissima coronatus sum, 
postea pudicissima conjuge donatus Margareta Regnati 
Sicilize regis filia sapientissima, ex eaque filio Eduardo 
principe suscepto, et regno tot annos pacifice gubernato, 
gratulandum mihi profecto melius est quam dolendum 
Et licet nunc malis omnibus obruar, si patienter illa 
perpetior, ad meritum omnia redundabunt. Quicquid 
igitur sinistri Deus in me contulerit patiar, nec longa 
patientia his qui multa commisere flagitia': nec 
facit malam mortem nisi quod sequitur mortem; mors 


_ = - - + ee ee ——— nm me ee = — . 
- - - _ — wane - — 


' nee longa... flagitie] underlined in MS. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 28 


enim mala putanda non est quam bona vita præ- A.D. 1471. 
cesserit.” Hzec et hujusmodi permulta Rex ille con- 
stanter prædicabat custodibus suis  * . 

* + * + + #1 

His itaque gestis, ecce humani sanguinis sititor ule 
Richardus Glaucestrie dux a fratre suo Eduardo 
Quarto missus ad ipsum Henricum trucidandum ac- 
cessit, illumque . . . + 

* + + + + #1 

Quanta hujus truculentam necem postea secuta sunt Calamities 
mala totus pene mundus testatur. Calamitates si- "eh 
quidem ad cumulum innumerabiles post illa consecutes his death. 
sunt. Nam et Eduardus ille Quartus rex alioquin 
potentissimus magnificentissimusque post mortem suam 
in liberis suis, quos prædicto Richardo fratri suo 
commiserat protegendos mulctatus est; qui dum vi- 
veret et successorem hunc Regem nostrum Henricum 
Septimum fore sæpius formidaret. Propheticis quorum-  : 
dam testimoniis exterritus, apud Franciscum Britannive 
ducem  pretio precibusque sæpe contendit magnis 
pollicitationibus ut Richemundiæ comitem in patriam 
revocaret. Sed mater illius, mulier prudentissima, 
dolum prospiciens, secretis nuntiorum ac litterarum 
alloquiis ne rediret assidue prohibebat. Postremo 
Eduardus, irritis cunctis laboribus, illum furtim habere 
tentavit. Verum nec prevaluit umquam in Deum mor- 
talis astutia ; quare posthæc adversa valetudine correptus 
obiit.* 

Richardus, ergo, protector a rege vocatus et decla- AD. 1483. 
ratus, primum filios fratris ex Wallia accersiri jussit, Fyranny of 
dissimulans quam animo tyrannidem jam conceperat. IIL 
Sed regina Elizabeth Eduardi Regis conjunx pruden- 
tissima, sibi suisque prospiciens loca immunitate 


pt + me + re ee eee 


1 Blank in MS. chapter which has not been sup- 
7 Space is left after these words, | plied. 
apparently for the title of a new 


A.D.1483. 


A.D. 1485. 


24 BERNARDI ANDREZ 


privilegii sacra incolebat. Quid multa? Tyrannus in 
arce Londinia, post interemptos quos noverat fratri 
suo fideles dominos, nepotes quoque clam ferro incautos 
feriri jussit ; sicque mors morte, exitium exitio pensatum 
est. Tunc regionem totam singultibus doloribusque 
misceri cerneres ; tunc regni proceres vitæ suze timentes, 
alter in alterius periculum cogitabat quid facerent : 
ore fideles, corde vero procul a tyranno, gemitus com- 
pescebant. Quid plura? Coronam interea ille usurpans 
ad regni solium sublimatus est. Interim ad Riche- 
mundiæ comitem nova per matris nuntios de peractis 
in Anglia mittebantur. Ille prudenti fretus consilio 
cum Britannize duce Francisco quid rerum exequatur 
consilium capit. Ille si comitem cum Richardi gratia 
remitteret rem suam perficere ratus, de captanda 
Richardi regis benevolentia cogitat. Verum enimvero 
cum hujusmodi cogitatum Richemundiæ comes unacum 
suis familiaribus intellexisset, declinandi a via clamculo 
consilium fuit. Rebus itaque undecumque dispositis, 
venatum comes ire dissimulans, paratis hincinde suis 
tutoribus, in Franciam clam proficiscitur. Interea Ri- 
chardo ab Henrico duce Bouquingameæ in Wallia 
insidiæ parabantur: quarum rumore ad se delato comes 
in Angliam redire semel instituerat. Sed marchio 
Dorsset Eduardi Quarti privignus, qui paulo ante ad 
Richemundiæ comitem in Britanniam Minorem pro- 
fugerat, illum ab instituto dehortabatur. Qui tamen 
postea Richardo  solicitatus, Richemundiz comitem 
Parisiis derelinquens, in Angliam aufugere clam de- 
creverat nisi Richemundiæ comitis prudentia obsti- 
tisset. Missi sunt igitur * * * *! 
qui illum capientes reduxerunt. Publica demum custo- 
dia diu Parisiis mancipatum, comes ubi regno potitus 
est pietate ductus in Angliam revocavit, illumque solita 


—< 


' Blank in MS. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 25 


(injuriarum immemor) benevolentia complexus est. AD. 1485. 
Sed ad rem ipsam redeo. Richemundiæ comes ubi His appli- 
Karolo Francise Regi Septimo,' ejusque sapientissimo Charles” 
consilio, rem omnem a principio exposuit, rex, divino VIII. of 
velut oraculo admonitus, egregium etiam decorumque France, 
principis vultum, innatam prudentiam et suavem 
facundiam Gallici sermonis admiratus, non potuit non 
vehementer ipsius gaudere adventu Ad hæc accessit 
omnium regis procerum incredibilis in eundem affectio ; 
inaudita vero præcipue sapientissimæ humanissimæque 
dominæ duxissæ Bourbonniæ regiæ sororis benevo- 

lentia. Quibus omnibus factum est ut senatusconsulto who gives 
prædicto comiti suppetias ire decerneretur. Paratur him assist- 
illico exercitus, pedestres equestresque copie conscri- 
buntur. Hujus autem expeditionis cui summa rerum 
imprimis commissa erat, ductor fuit strenuus et sapiens 

miles dominus de Chandea.? 


2 + # # # + 
2 # # # # #3 


Paratis itaque navibus felici comes sidere, prius- 
quam navim ascenderet, sicut princeps Catholicus, 
talibus ad Deum, genibus ad terram positis, humiliter 
usus est: 


Richemundiæ Comitis ante trajectionem Oratio. 


“ Hæc est illa dies, misericordissime Deus, in qua tuo His prayer 
jussu navem conscendere in animo est ; verum, ut Tu baring 
mihi optimus testis es, non cupiditate, non ambitione, 
non denique humani sanguinis siti, istud iter aggredior. 

Sed Angliæ regnique populorum longam miseratus 
calamitosam captivitatem illuc accedo. Novisti, optime 


? An error for Octaro. earl of Bath. See Dugd. Baronage. 
3 Fhilibert de Shaund¢’, afterwards 3 Two lines blank in MS, 


26 BERNARDI ANDRE 


A.D. 1485. Deus, in sanguinem meum a truculentis hominibus 


satis fuisse debacchatum, usque adeo quod nihil ferme 
reliquiarum generis mei relictum est quin totum ferro 
ac proscriptionibus perdiderint. Tantum restat mihi ca- 
rissima genitrix mea, quæ propter me magnos, et eos 
quidem diuturnos, dolores patitur. Dabis, igitur, justis- 
sime Judex (si mereor ad quod venio) potentiam quod 
si jus mihi regni non debetur, Te precor humillime ut 
in melius consulas dirigasque nos ex hoc die, quatenus 
to his sol: # VOluntate tua non discedamus. Vos autem, strenui 
diers. commilitones mei, qui tantis temporum intervallis ab 
uxoribus, liberis, patria, parentibus exulastis, si Deo 
ita visum est ut ad jura nostra hoc tempore reverta- 
mur, resumite animorum vires, et mecum in Angliam 
puris integrisque cordibus assistite. Videtis tyrannum 
omnia cruoribus replevisse, ducemque Boquingamiæ 
sibi olim carissimum trucidasse, plerosque etiam in- 
sontes, regni heroas, propriosque nepotes interfecisse. 
Nos autem, qui Dei nutu relinquimur, sitibundus san- 
guinis pari modo perdere discupit, fecissetque antea si 
Deus ab itinere quod nuper ingressi fueramus non 
retraxisset. Nunc vero tempus nostrum advenit, quo 
Deus Judex justus illius scelera manibus nostris puniet. 
Estote igitur fortes hoc in bello, et Deum ante oculos 
semper habete. Et quidem molestissime fero quod 
præter naturæ meæ conditionem crudelia bella tentare 
compellimur. Sed præstabilius est Deo jubenti parere 
quam reliquum vitæ nostræ tempus inter alienas gentes 
degere. Et quamquam parva manu viam ingredimur 
ac populosam regionem bello potentem pauci acce- 
dimus, in Deo si spes nostras firmiter statuerimus non 
dubium est quin pauci multos vincere possimus. Dum 
Moyses rectas in cœlum habebat manus vincebatur 
Amalech ; si vero paululum illi conciderent invalesce- 
bat. Referre longum esset quot duces, quot reges, 
quot imperatores, parvis sociati coplis ingentes exercitus 
superarunt. Preeteren Xerxem, Darium, Cresum et 


VITA HENRICI VII. 27 


alios quamplures, tam Lacedæmonios quam Thebanos, 
Athenienses, Carthaginienses, Romanosque principes 
exiguis copiis superatos Non in multitudine bellan- 
tium sed in Dei manu consistit victoria. Verum 
tempus hoc pluribus verbis non indiget. Cerno enim 
vos ad rem gerendam vestrapte virtute satis accensos ; 
quare, si unum dixero, finem dicendi faciam. Vos 
quibus est Deo serviendi ministrandique  officium, 
sacerdotes clericosque omnes Deo devotos, oratos vehe- 
menter velim, ut sine intermissione ad Deum preces 
-effundatis, donec sua misericordia votorum compotes 
effecti, digna laboribus omnium præmia omnibus repen- 
damus.” 

Hæc ubi dixit, omnes uno ore, omnes uno eodem- 
que pectore ad clarissimum fidissimumque Oxonii 
comitem pro responsione facienda vota sua unanimiter 
contulerunt. Quorum desideriis comes ipse gratiose 
satis, ut omnia solet, humaniterque faciens, genu ad 
terram posito, talibus ad Richemundiæ comitem humi- 
liter usus est: 


Oxoniensis Comitis pro toto exercitu fidelis sane et 
benigna Responsio. 


“Jampridem, sapientissime domine, illustri domina- 
tioni vestræ corda nostra satis excellentiæ vestræ cog- 
nita arbitramur. Sed quia pro sapienti prudentia vestra 
impræsentiarum nos admonuit, fecit hoc certe non 
minus sapienter quam necessario. Quis est enim tam 
Magnanimus qui aliquando in rebus bellicis et in ipso 
agone non formidet ? Audacia profecto quantacumque 
in animo est in bello patet. Interdum etiam pusillani- 
mitas et vecordia vel fortium virorum pectora ple- 
rumque deterret. Quare vetustissimi instituti con- 
suetudo sane laudabilis est, ut bellorum imperatores 
commilitones suos ad fortiter pugnandum admoneant, 
non quod de illorum fide dubitent, sed ut ad rem 


A.D. 1485. 


Reply of 


the earl of 


Oxford, 


28. BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1485. gerendam avidius excitentur. Sic ille diligentissimus 
ac victoriosissimus Julius Cæsar ante Pharsalicam ex- 
peditionem, sic Pompeius Magnus, sic Lucius Catilina, 
sic quicunque perlegitur optimus dux fecit. Hinc est, 
modestissime princeps, quod justos facit injuria ducis 
esse motus et causas invenit armis. 

“  Expulit hinc’ Latia discordes urbe tribunos 

Victo jure minax jactatis curia Gracchis.’ 

“ Cernis autem, humanissime princeps, ut omnes nos 
pellimur ex patriis laribus, patimurque  volentes 
exilium. Tua nos faciet victoria cunctos victores : 
nunc, maxime dum trepidant nullo firmatæ robore 
partes, dum tyrannus omnibus infestus est, dum 
vobis promissi fideles potentesque expectant. Dicam 
igitur, sed breviter cum Curione, ‘Tolle moras ; semper 
nocuit differre paratis. Par labor atque metus pretio 
majore petuntur. Adde quod arma tenenti omnia dat 
qui justa negat: nec numina? desunt. Nam neque 
præda tuis neque tyrannis quæritur armis. Detrahere | 
tantum a regione tyrannum animus est. Ignosce 
mihi precor, optime princeps, si hanc respondendi pro- 
vinciam ante alios omnes susceperim. Nam postquam 
me primpilum primæque aciei ductorem ordinasti, ut 
Leelius ille Ceesari,® sic ego excellentiæ tuæ verbis illius 
respondere jubeor in hunc moduim. Britanni 6 vere 
successor et heres imperii, veras exprimere voces ubi 
jubes, quod tam lenta tua tenuit patientia vires, con- 
querimur. Deeratne tibi fiducia nostri? Dum movet 
hic calidus spirantia corpora sanguis, et dum pila valent 
fortes torquere lacerti, degenerem patiere togam reg- 
numque senatus? usque adeo miserum est civili vincere 
bello? Duc age per Scythiæ populos per inhospita 


nnn OR cre ee 


1 hic, MS. The lines are from | 2 minima, MS.; but this being also 
Lucan’s Pharsalia, lib. i. 266.; but | a quotation from Lucan, it is evi- 
the original has ancipiti instead of | dent numina was the word intended, 
hine Latia, * See Lucan, i. 359, sq. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 29 


Syrtis littora, per calidas Jibyæ sitientis arenas. A.D. 1485. 
Hæc manus ut victum post terga relinqueret orbem.! 
Jussa sequi tam posse nobis quam velle necesse est. 
Tu quoscunque voles in planum effundere muros, his’ 
aries actus disperget saxa lacertis. Illa licet tolli 
penitus quam jusseris urbem Roma sit.” His ita ab 
illo animoso pectore palam expositis, cunctæ assensere 
cohortes, elatasque alte qusecumque ad bella vocaret 
promisere manus. It tantus ad æthera clamor, 
quantus, piniferi Boreas cum Thracius Ossæ rupibus 
incubuit, curvato robore presse fit sonus, aut rursus 
redeuntis in æthera silvæ. Princeps ut videt tam ac- 
ceptum pronis militibus bellum, fataque sibi respon- 
dere, ne quo languore moretur fortunam se vocantem 
in naves illico cunctos jussit introire ; vocatisque apud 
Deum Sanctis insulæ Britanniæ indigetibus ut pro se 
exercituque suo interpellarent, aura secunda navigationi 
prosperum iter aperuit. Solventes igitur felicibus 


austris et numine dextro ancras, * * * 

. . . Sin Angliam appulerunt. The land- 
Illuc autem, ut pollicitum fuerat, * + sn 

+ + + 


Simprimis convenere. 

Communicatoque in teste‘ de rebus gerendis, loco et 
tempore, cunctis etiam quæ a Richardo parata contra 
fuerant intellectis, acies a magnanimo principe ex- 
truitur, ejusque summa prefato Oxoniensi comiti com- 
mendatur. Ille, armorum non ignarus, disciplinæ mili- 
taris rationem habendam cum ipso principe cæterisque 
proceribus suadet. Aderant, ut supra memoravi, cum 
ipso principe jussu præfati Regis Karoli nobiles aliquot 
et strenui milites, quorum præcipuus dominus de 
Chandea vir militari doctrina præditus. 


‘ Lucan completes the sentence with the line 
‘ Oceani tumidas remo compescuit undas :” 
which did not apply in this case before embarkation. 
2 Js in MS. 3 Blank in MS. ‘in teste]. Sic in MS. 


A.D. 1485. 


Henry’s 
oration, 


30 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


His atque aliis in acie constitutis ipse comes Oxonii 
ex portu Wallie qui * *  *™ nuncupatur, viam 
primus intrepide aggreditur. Non prætermittenda hoc 
loco mihi videtur pia et tali principe digna quum 
primum illam e navi prospexit ad Angliam salutatio, 
et dum terram attigisset ad suos justissima exhortatio. 


Richemundiæ Comitis ad Angliam salutatio, ad 
suosque secunda justaque exhortatio. 


“Salve, belli potens, pacisque magistra, ingeniis 
ornata sacris, dotataque cunctis fortunæ donis: excellis 
omnes quas maximus ambit Oceanus, nullique satis 
laudata virorum es. Ad te post longas lentus venio 
[moras], quas pateris adhuc calamitates innumeras ccelesti 
numine admonitus. Non ferro, non igne, non preeda, 
populare te volumus, sed a tyrannide liberare, anti- 
quumque jus nostrum post beati Henrici Sexti truci- 
dationem hactenus intermissum redhibere Deo juvante 
decrevimus. Tui autem cum gaudio revisendi spes mea 
longa fuit Nunc autem ubi te cerno, licet afflictam, 
truculentoque tyranno misere servientem, mihi gaudeo, 
tibi gratulor, te amo, tua tuebor. Et quisquis vel 
meorum in te injurius fuerit, illum (Deum testor) 
tamquam  atrocissimum hostem persequar, mulctabo, 
puniam. Quare vos omnes admonitos velim ne quid in 
plebem victus aut lucri gratia perperam committatis, 
neve a quoquam indigenarum aliquid rerum suarum 
sine previa facta solutione accipiatis; sed si pecunia 
egeatis, ecce presto sunt qui vobis recte persolvent. 
Vos autem itidem* in alios faciatis, nihil aut verbo 
aut facto quod vobismetipsis facere minime voletis* 


— -- ooo’ 


1 Blank in MS. 3 ididem, MS. 
2 Not in MS. ‘ valetis, MS. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 31 


perpetrantes. Si ita feceritis Deus erit nobis propitius, A.D. 1486. 
quippe alienis diu non gaudet illicitus usurpator.” His 

ita pie humaniterque a principe dictis omnes con- 

corditer assentiuntur, pollicentes bona fide suis ductori- 

bus se ita facturos, quod si secus agerent se patienter 
animadversionem perpessuros. 


De Rumore ad Richardum delato. 


Dum hæc in castris jamdictis geruntur, ecce fama 
præpetibus! ad tyrannum pennis transvolans refert dubio 
procul Richemundiæ comitem in Wallia cum multis 
copiis descendisse, properareque ad bellum quominus ? 
cum hoste gerendum; ad propria se rediisse jura tam 
paterno quam materno jure sibi debita, nec cunctari® 
velle diutius, sed cum ipso confligere ; tempus advenisse 
vindictæ, lentoque gradu Deum ulcisci, tandem gravius 
in sceleratos animadvertere. Hæc et hujusmodi per- Richard's 
multa audiens, tyrannus, ut coluber mala gramina pastus, rl 
in furorem ac rabiem inflammatur atque accenditur, non 
secus ac Hyrcana tigris aut Marsus aper ubi vulnera 
sentit. Itaque repentinum in clamorem erumpens 
furibundus ita suos alloquitur: | 


Tyranni in suos furibunda oratio. 


“ Arma viri ferte; arma enim habemus in manibus 
quæ tantopere optabamus, quare viribus utendum est 
quas fecimus. Edico autem vobis, jubeo atque impero 
ut sine misericordia, sine pietate, sine gratia, omnes 


1 perpetibus, MS. 3 contart in MS. 
2 Sic, perhaps for quam citius. 


32 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1485. igne ferroque perdatis ; Gallos autem et exteros quosque 


Rattle of 
Bosworth. 


ad unum jugulate, enecate, ac cruci affigite. Ipsum 
vero Richemundiæ comitem sine ullo vel sanguinis vel 
nobilitatis respectu trucidate, aut vivum si potestis 
adducite, ut illum pre sententia mea excogitatis 
novis atque inauditis suppliciis, vel mea manu truci- 
dem, jugulem, interimam. Ite igitur vos, cubicularie 
mi fidissime, et mandata dicto citius exequamini.” 
Tile impiger, datis huc atque illuc regiis literis, extemplo 
cunctos regni potentatus advocat; mandata ut ocius 
exequantur admonet. Verum illa tempestate tyranno 
parere .neglexit vir bonus et prudens dominus Stenle 
nunc comes Darbeyæ prædicti Richemundiæ comitis 
humanissimæ genitricis maritus, vir profecto unacum 
præclaris liberis suis fide ac sapientia prestanti. Hi 
æquitatis jura petenti Richemundiæ comiti non injuria 
adheserunt. His princeps ipse mirifice fretus recreatus- 
que prelium audentius ingreditur. Quid multa? 
Jamque dies aderat qua prælium inire utrinque partes 
decreverant. 


Auctoris excusatio. 


Hoc ego bellum quamvis auribus acceperim, tamen 
hac in parte certior aure arbiter est oculus. Diem, 
igitur, locum, ac belli ordinem, quia ut dixi sum pri- 
vatus hac luce oculorum, ne quid temerarie affirmem, 
supersedeo. Et pro tam bellico campo, donec plenius 
instructus fuero, campum quoque latum hoc in albo 


relinquo.! 
* + + * + * 
* * + * * * 


1 A page and a balf left blank after these words. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 33 


Parta Dei Optimi Maximique divina dispositione a A.D. 1485. 
Richemundiæ comite feliciter victoria, tyrannoque pro 
meritis trucidato, stridor lituum clangorque tubarum 
astra ferit. Ecclesiastici præterea ordinis omnes qui 
cum illo faustissimo Richemundiæ comite advenerant 
voces imo pectore ad cœlum usque cum pientissimis 
eunt precibus. Inter quos ille reverendus fidissi- 
musque, tunc Secretorum, nunc vero Privati Sigilli 
Custos et Wyntoniensis præsul, dominus ac Mæcenas 
meus observandissimus, cœlestis militiæ copiis, unacum 
felicis recordationis fratre Michaele Dyaconi Assavensi 
episcopo Francicastro, regio quondam confessore, item 
domino Christoforo Wrsouyt!, decano Wyndezoræ, regio 
tunc eleemosinario, prælatus erat. Princeps autem 
Christianissimus, non ut plerique mortalium solent, in 
prosperis humillimus extitit, manuque cunctis silentium 
imperante sic exorsus est: _ 


Post triwmphum ad Deum Richemundia Comitis 
gratulatio. 


“Gratia nulla potest a me nunc digna referri: pro Henry’s 
meritis tantis gratia nulla potest. Verum qui referre gas, 
gratias non potest, habere agereque potis est. O 
magnum divine pietatis opus, mirabile dictu! Totum 
igitur cœlestis gratiz dono ascribens, quod lingua et 
pectore nunc possum Tibi gratias ago, misericordissime 
Jesu, et tibi, O Virgo puerpera Dei genitrix, in cujus 
servitio hac luce Saturni dicata victoriam adeptus sum. 
Semper honore meo, semper celebrabere votis. Vosque 
omnes, Sancti indigetes, quorum suffragio triumphavi, 
pergite ad Deum preces effundere quatenus tam 
felicibus initiis fortuna demum respondeat. Abs te 


1 Urswick. 


84 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1485. principium, tibi desinet, O pia Virgo! dirige conceptas 
in tua vota preces Summæ Trinitati ; Tibi omnibusque 
ceelicolis de referenda gratia deinceps providebo. 
Interim, 

Preesules sacri celebres ministri, 
Prima sunt vobis quibus Ille primo 
Visus est olim recubare feno 

Gaudia certe. 

Quid dicam aliud nescio: tanta lstitia tantoque 
meoerore conficior. Letitia primum, quia vos, 6 commi- 
litones mei ad patrios lares feliciter perduxi. Moereor 
tamen tot fortiorum virorum stragem conspiciens, quos 
tamen honorifice mandare sepulturee velim. Imprimis 
ipsius Richardi Regis in #1 
cum omnimoda reverentia sepeliendum sentio.” 

Post hæc illi mandata diligenter exequentes omnes 
humandos curaverunt. 

# # + + # # 1 


He is sa. His honorificentissime præstitis Richemundiz comes 

kine: “una eademque omnium voce ac voluntate Rex iterum 
iterumque claris vocibus salutatur. Tunc subditorum 
corda timore diu ac formidine preeclusa laxantur, tunc 
quisque regi jam nominato cor suum aperit, juratque 
fidem, quam antea profiteri non audebat, se inviolatam 
servaturum. Capti sunt autem eo bello principes. * * 
+ + * * #1 et publica jussi 
custodia detineri quousque compositis pacatisque rebus, 
rex ipse liberius illis intendere posset. 


De Regia Coronatione. 


Arrivesin Rex ipse Richemundiæ comes Saturni luce, quo 
London. etiam die de hostibus triumpharat, urbem Londinum 


1 Blank in MS. 


VITA HENRICI VIL 35 


magna procerum comitante caterva letanter ingressus A.D. 1485. 
est. Ad cujus adventum ego, etsi oculis captus, 
amore jampridem sui ac desiderio inflammatus astiti, 
ue poetico furore afflatus palam hoc carmen 


Ccecini 


De Prima Regis Victoria Carmen Sapphicum. 


Musa, præclaros age dic triumphos, The 

Regis Henrici decus ac trophæum ae 

Septimi, lentis fidibus canora the vic- 
Dic age, Clio. tory: 


Dicat arguta chorus ille sacro 

Voce cum Phæbo, cythara canente 

Grande certamen, ferat huncque regem 
Semper ad astra. 


Hujus adventum recinant jocosa 
Fronte letantes pueri et puellæ ; 
Civitas gaude velut uxor uno 

| Læta marito. 


Ecce nunc omnes cecidere venti, 
Murmuris preter Zephyrum tepentem. 
Hic rosas nutrit nitidosque flores 

| Veris amœnL 


Quando ceu longus tenuit colonos 
Imber, et nubes resoluta fluxit, 
Et diu pendens aratrum reliquit 
Tristis arator ; 
Aureus tunc si roseis Apollo 
Nubis obscuræ tenebras quadrigis 
Vectus exsolvat' referatque lucem, 
Cantat arator. 


1 hec solvat, MS. 


A.D. 1485. 


Honors 
bestowed 
at the co- 
ronation. 


36 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


Sic dies atras religat querelas 
Quo suos princeps repetit Penates, 
Et nitent soles melius potenti 
Rege sub isto. 


Navitæ vastum revolent per æquor 

Caspium, et nullas metuant procellas. 

Ultimos jamjam videat Gelonos 
Anglica pinus. 

Ergo jucundis hodie camcenis 

Gaudeat late regio tumultu 

Tota, nec post hoc metuat tenente 
Rege coronam. 


In hoc jucundissimo ingressu voces omnium audisses 
angelicum principis vultum prædicando benedicen- 
doque, regium nomen Henrici ad sidera tollentes. 
Rex deinde longo fessus fatigatusque itimere (ex 
Sancto Albano quidem profectus erat) in palatio 
episcopali Londini illa nocte quievit. Deinceps de 
coronatione consulitur, et die a regiis consiliariis insti- 
tuta arcem Londiniam rex adiit. Et quid inibi rerum 
gesserit insignes viros decorans honoribus militaribus 
atque heroicis hic narrare perlongum esset. Verum 
ubi de hujusmodi rebus certior factus fuero prolixius 
scribam. Quare hic spatium quoque prætermittere 


consilium fuit. 
#+ + + + 2 #1 


De Regalibus Conviviis et Torneamentis in ipsa 
coronatione regio luxu celebratis. 


Hic etiam, Musa, pedem cohibe. Quorsum, temeraria, 
quorsum ire paras? Tantis impar es conscribendis 
illustrandisque rebus. Itaque donec ex aliis ut quæ- 


1 Half a page blank in MS, 


VITA HENRICI VIL 37 


que gesta fuerint intellexero illa similiter consulto AD. 1485, 
preetermisi 
2 


2 2 2 + #1 


De Regali ejusdem conjugio. 


Interea de uxore ducenda rege excellentissime coro- 
nato consilium deliberat. Et quamquam ante suam 
istuc profectionem dux ipse Franciscus Britanniæ cum 
Anna filia sua primogenita ipsum regem maritare 
sæpius orando contendisset, rex ipse prudentissimus sine 
suorum consilio quicquam peragere recusabat. Ad hæc 
accedebat Eduardi Quarti pro Elizabeth primogenita 
quoque filia sua dum vita fungebatur justa atque 
importuna pene solicitatio. Et sane, ut postea rei 
comprobavit eventus, de nutu prædicti Eduardi nobilis- 
sima ac prudentissima filia Henrico regi pudicissime 
servabatur. 


Elizabeth Eduardi Quarti primogenite laus. 


Non possum silentio præterire ipsius antememoratæ Elizabeth 
Eduardi Quarti filiæ dum adhuc puella esset laudes dangnter | 
atque præconia: quare de multis pauca hic apposui Iv. 
Inerat illi ab unguiculis Dei timor et servitium admi- Her picty. 
rabile, in parentes vero mira observantia, erga fratres 
et sorores amor ferme. incredibilis, in pauperes Chris- 
tique ministros reverenda ac singularis affectio. Cum 
autem regem victoria potitum intellexisset lætitia 


animi exclamans, “Et tandem,” inquit, “ respexisti, Her joy on 
Deus, in orationem humilium et non sprevistis preces Henry's of 


eorum. Memini equidem, neque unquam me memi- victory. 
nisse pigebit inclytæ memorize illustrissimum genitorem 


} Half a page blank in MS. 


A.D. 1485. 


Marriage 
of Henry 
and Eliza- 
beth. 


AD. 1486. 


38 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


meum huic quondam formosissimo principi me voluisse 
dicare. O utinam nunc tam digna forem! Sed, defuncto 
patre, amicis bonis careo qui tantum negotium attenta- 
rent. Addo quod alteram fortasse trans mare me 
forma, ætate, fortuna et dignitate majorem hic habiturus 
est. Quid dicam? Sola sum, et nemini consilium 
ausim aperire meum. Quid si matri referrem? Pudor 
est. Quid si aliis dominis? Non est audacia. O si cam 
illo communicare possem, forsitan inter loquendum in 
hanc sententiam incidere possem. Quicquid erit nescio: 
unum hoc scio quod nescit abesse Deus in se speranti- 
bus. Quare, cogitandi finem faciens, in Te, Summe Deus, 
omnem spem repono meam: fac mecum secundum 
misericordiam tuam.” His secum secreta mente re- 
putatis, Deus Justus et Optimus tam justo præsertim 
puellari desiderio annuens tandem permisit ut principis 
animus, audita integritate, fide ac probitate puellæ, ad 
se amandum inclinaretur. Facto igitur, convocatoque 
omnium regni optimatium supremo consilio, decretum ‘est 
ut ex duabus olim mortali odio laborantibus familiis 
una domus unanimi concordia fieret. Ergo tedis 
jugalibus toroque maritali congrua parantur orna- 
menta. Et in hoc etiam apparatu pro dignitate perscri- 
bendo hæret ac dubitat animus. Et idcirco tantam 
rerum affluentiam in ipsis regiis nuptiis ac reginæ 
coronatione affatim exhibitam, largifiuis circumquaque 
muneribus liberaliter omnibus prestitis, conviviis, choreis, 
torneamentis ad id gaudii illustrandum amplifican- 
dumque largissimis, auri, argenti, annulorum, gemma- 
rumque munificentia concelebratis, consulto pretermisi. 
e + L + + e 1 

Post celebratas regales nuptias, ingens toto regno 
leetitia exorta est. Nam antea, ut dixi, vehemens 
et immortale odium præclaras domos illas pene 





' Half a page blank in MS. 


VITA HENRICI VIL 89 


vastaverat. Sed postquam tam felici connubio con- A.D. 1486. 
junctas audiere, populi longe lateque gaudiorum ignes 
exstruxerunt, et choreis cantibus conviviisque per urbem 
Londinum multifariam concelebratis, Deum Optimum 
Maximum omnes utriusque sexus regis et reginæ 
prosperos successus precabantur, utque prole tandem 
suscepta ac novello principe edito illorum gaudia 
gaudiis cumularentur. Quorum  precibus annuens 
dominus Jesus Christus non multis post diebus serenis- 
simam reginam ex optata prole foetam esse permisit. 
Tune felicissimo regi nova felicitas, reginæ magna 
jucunditas, ecclesis summa letitia, curiæ ingens hila- 
ritas, toti denique regno incredibilis voluptas orta est. 
Nec abs re quidem; nam, ut postea res ipsa indicavit, 
non Anglia solum, imo vero totus (si majores in luce 
moras sibi fata dedissent) mundus de tanto pignore 
sempiternæ lætitiæ causas habuisset. Verum Deus qui 
cuncta gubernat, in cujus manu regnorum sceptra 
regumque vitz modi sunt, aliter de illo disposuit. 


De Arturo principe nato. 


Gravida j jam sed partui proxima regina, rex per id Birth à of 
tempus regni tunc novi negotia determinans ac totius Erin Arthor, 
reipublicæ corpus diu antea per singula mutilatum 
membra reintegrans Wyntoniæ residebat. Partus vero 
tempore appropinquante, et revolutis mature pariendi 
mensibus, ecce princeps novellus oritur, tantam venus- 
tatem, gratiam ac virtutem pre se ferens ut omnem 
omnibus sæculis inauditam ante felicitatem protenderet. 
Hanc, equidem, faustissimi principis futuram prosperi- 
tatem quidam! furore divino afflatus, dum Elizabeth 
reginæ clarissimæ genitricis suse coronationem pre- 
cineret, longe ante prædixerat hisce carminibus lyricis. 


! quidem in MS. 


40 


A.D. 1486. 





\ exsuperat hunc] Sic, qu. pro 
ersuperavit ? 

2 Sic in MS. 

3 In the MS. this line is placed 


BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


Regine Coronatæ prenosticum. 


Descende sacro, Calliope, jugo: 
Descende intonsi pectine Cynthii 
Donata, musarumque prima, 

Phitya plectra gerens adesto. 


Regina, Summi progenies Jovis, 
Verna coronam candidior rosa 
Gestans, rosetis ut Diana 
Prosilit e mediis refulgens ; 


Exorta divis cœlitus optimis, 
Conjuncta tanto numine principi, 
Totum decoris qui serenus 
Laudibus exsuperat hunc' orbem. 


O matre Phcebi nympha benignior, 
Que tanta talem protulit principem, 
Virtute precellens numina,’ 
Quippe satum genitore tanto ;° 


Jurata juncto foedere castitas 
Effecit auctis justitiæ modis 
Æterna quo regnans amore 
Seecula pax referat Sibyllæ. 


Regina lseto pectore, civitas, 
Ergo coronam excipit inclytam. 
Gandeto præclaras utrasque ‘ 
Semper honore rosas canendo. 


before the preceding one. destroy the metre. 


‘ preclaras ad astru utrasque, 
MS.; but the words ad astra 
should doubtless have been can- 
celled, as they are superfluous and 


VITA HENRICI VIL 41 


Suavissimas flagrantissimasque  rosas, purpuream AD. 1486. 
videlicet ac niveam Arturus ipse uno eodemque stipite 


pululans tanta prosperitate secundavit ut omnium 
retro principum reliquorum famam ejus inclyta virtus, 
si non exsuperaverit, æquavit certe. 


De Arturo sacrosancto fonte regnato. 


Post tam prosperum sidus Arturi sterili tunc novel- 
lorum principum mundo collatum omnes Erebi Furiæ 
longe profligatæ sunt. Orta enim Arcturi stella, que 
secundum genetliacos xij. calend. Octobris oritur, Ar- 
turus quoque princeps natus est. In cujus natalis 
gratulatione centum a nobis carmina composita sunt, 
quæ propter prolixitatem hic omisimus ; quorum ini- 
tium tale est: 


“ Pergite nascentem puerum celebrare, Camcene, Verses in 
Et prolem claris ducentem regibus ortum ; honor of 


Solennem celebrare diem redimite decenti, 
Angli, flore comas, et cingite tempora sertis. 
Tibia det sonitum, pueri teneræque puellæ 

= Et choreas agitent et plausibus æthera pulsent, 
Lætaque festivos tractet Londinia ludos. 
Regius ecce puer Arturus surgit Olympo 
Missus ab æthereo, nostri spes altera regni. 
Spargite humum viridi permixta floribus herba, 
Et cedente die dent læta incendia lucem. 
Fastus adest felixque dies celeberrimus Anglis. 
Vulgus “Io Pean,” “Io Prean” curia dicat. 
Instaurent epulis mensas et pocula libent, 
Alterutrumque bibant pleno cratere Lyæum, 
Principis et nomen sua quisque ad pocula dicat. 


42 


A.D. 1486. 


BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


Vosque triumphali devincti tempora lauro, 

Aris digna Deo persolvite vota, parentes, 
Annuat ut nato quodcunque, Henrice, rogabis. 
Nec tamen interea cessent solennia templis, 

Sed pastorali mitra bissoque togatus 

Antistes Christi sacrum de more ministret. 
Inde sacerdotes magnis cum laudibus hymnos 
Vociferant blandos, et numina sancta precentur 
Ut puerum foveant qui splendida facta parentis 
Augeat et proavos vincat pietate vel armis. 

Et faciet, quoniam genium sic indicat ; ergo 
Dum matutinos præducet Lucifer ortus, 
Hesperus occiduas dum Phœbum plectet ad undas, 


_ Dumque vices certas et volvet stellifer orbis, 


Annua tam celebris veneremur festa diei, 
Urantur pia thura focis, urantur odores, 
Divite quos felix emittit Arabia terra. 
Ipse suos veniat genius visurus honores 
Et puro ipsius distillent tempora nardo.”! 


Et reliqua quæ sequuntur; que dum felicitatem 


quam  protendebant, 


mosamque toti regno tempestatem insperato contin- 
gentem ob ipsius immaturam principis mortem con- 
sidero, hæret mediusfidius lingua pallato. Prosequar 


nihilominus, ne historiæ tenorem prætermittam, ipsius- 


que sacro fonte regnati pompam festivitatem mag- 


nificentissimumque apparatum aliis conscribenda relin- 


quam. 


1 Parts of this poem are taken from Tibullus, lib. ii. eleg. ii. 


et rursus calamitatem, lacry- 


VITA HENRICI VII. 43 


De felicibus virtutum successibus. 


Crescente paulatim ætate, virtutum quoque incre- 
menta in ipso adhuc infantulo prælucebant. Tanta vis 
est naturæ ut sine educatione aut cujusquam admini- 
culo suapte bonitate ingenita nutritoribus suis virtu- 
tum futuram ostenderet indolem  Postquam enim 
velocissime prima litterarum elementa pernovisset, ad 
altiorem scientiæ cognitionem ab optimo et doctissimo 
præceptore suo magistro Johanne Red sine magno 
utriusvis labore perductus est. Nos autem post aliquot 
annos nonnihil adjumenti attulimus ; estque de nobis 
illud apostolicum verificatum, “Apollo plantavit, ego 
rigavi, Dominus autem incrementum dedit.” Hoc 
unum audacter affirmarim, illa ætate qua sextum- 
decimum nondum attigerat annum in grammatica 
Garinum, Perotum, Pomponium, Sulpicium, Aulum 
Gellium, Vallam ; in poetica Homerum, Virgilium, 
Lucanum, Ovidium, Silium, Plautum, Terentium ; in 
oratoria Ciceronis Officia, Epistolas, Paradoxa, Quin- 
tilianum ; in historia Thucydidem, Titum Livium, 
Cæsaris Commentaria, Suetonium, Cornelium Tacitum, 
Plinium, Valerium Maximum, Sallustium, Eusebium 
ipsum, vel memorize partim commendasse, vel certe 
propriis manibus oculisque tum volutasse tum lecti- 


A.D. 1486. 


His extra- 
ordinary 
precocity. 


tasse. Post hæc successit illius gratissima atque His cre- 


omnibus regni proceribus optatissima creatio in excelso 


ation as 
Prince of 


Westmonasterii palatio concelebrata, tanta rerum Wales, 


omnium ubertate, opulentia, munificentia, ac liberalitate 
ut verbis id a me vix exprimi possit. Verumtamen 
nostris quantuliscunque versiculis excellentissimam suam 
creationem infrasubscriptis decoravimus. 


A.D, 1489. 


D, 1489. 


44 


BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


De Arturt principis creatione. 


‘“ Arturi O soboles, atavis exorta beatis, 


O decus et princeps nostri pulcherrime regni 
Gloria, quæ astriferos' jamjam triateride plena 
Surgit adusque polos totum vulgata per orbem. 
Regia magnanimi proles celeberrima regis 
Septimi Henrici, præmissum nomen Olympo, 
Salve, Arture, iterum salve, quem lucida partu 
Pleias enixa est, niveis, Psestane,* rosetis 
Ipsa, colone, tuis preestantior, unde capessat 
Orsa tuo adventu Clio, quo tota creatum 
Anglia .magnificis te sternum tollere® ad astra 
Laudibus incepta‘ est. O lux memoranda quot- 
annis ! 


- Hæc est illa dies qua Arturi sæcula magni 


Effigiem pueri sub imagine cernere claram 

Nostra queant. Jam, Phœbe, veni citharaque per 
altum 

Nunc Helicona sona, quo principis alma creandi 

Arturi Aonidum præconia turba sororum 

Tanta canat, recolatque diem solennibus escie. 

Finieram, cum nostra Deus fulgore corusco 

Limina pulsavit Musis comitatus Apollo ; 

Qualis ubi Delon veniens tua, Xanthe, fluenta 

Linquit et humorem®; saliunt® Dryopes, Agathyrsi 

Cantibus exiliunt; plectro modulatus eburno 

Sic prior ingreditur dictis’ ac talia fatur : 


1 astriferas, MS. 5 timorem, MS. 
2 Pestave, MS. * saliu, MS. 
3 tollet, MS. 7 de dictis, MS. 


* incerta, MS. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 45 


‘ Surge, Erato, ex humili, jam, jam tibi sumere plectra A.D. 1489. 
Aurea nostra licet; incipe, cara soror, 
Solennem celebrare diem, penetralibus atque 
Instaurare focos. Orta beata dies, 
Arturum qua sceptra dabo tentare paterna 
(Sic pia fata jubent) ; ecce creandus adest. 
Sumito turba novem Pheebi pia carmina, Muse, 
Et viridi sacras cingite fronde comas. 
Ipse triumphali redimam mea tempora lauro 
Ut pia cum genio sacra videre queam.’ 
Dixerat arguta digitis et voce locutus 
Cum cecinit modulis ex mea Musa suis. 


Noster Arturo chorus, O sorores, 

Principis laudes hodie camcenis, 

Dicat hoc Phoebus, jubet hæcque princeps 
Rite creatus. 


Cujus affulsit populo serenus 
Vultus ut veri simili rubenti. 
Gratior solis radius nitescit 
Pulcher ocellis. 
Hoe nihil majus potuit Britannis 
Jupiter fatis dare summus æquis, 
Nec dabit quamvis redeant Superbi 
Sæcula Regis. 
Gloriam summo referant parentes, 
Ergo, qui talem genuere divi 
Indolis claræ puerum, Tonanti 
Sacra ferentes. 
Gaudeat late regio canoris 
Vocibus nomen repetens creati 
Principis, lætos pueri et puellæ 
Ducite cantus. 
Vota di servent faciles utrique, 
Ut diu felix superet parenti, 
. Quique post longum genitoris ævum 
Sumat habenas. 


A.D. 1489. 


46 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


Patre cum divo seniore terras 
Et senex ponti regat et tridentem. 
Fila producens Lachesis jubeto 
Currere fusos.” 


Heec ideo de creatione carmina post ipsius natalem 
hic apposul quamquam scirem non eo ordine tempora 
fuisse consecuta, ut possem consequenter ad ipsius 
regis famam immortalem illustrandam  opportunius 
aggredi. 


Mittit Innocentius ad Invictissimum Regem 
egregia munera. 


Per idem tempus Innocentius Pontifex Maximus 
reverendissimum episcopum Concordiensem unacum 
ense, auro, gemmisque, galero atque ornatissimo ad 
regem legavit. Qui postquam honorifice in urbe 
Londino receptus est post aliquot dies ab ipso rege 
in conspectum reverendo admodum vultu prodiit, vir 
inquam venerabilis et perfacundus. Cui postquam 
fandi data est copia, post relatas ultro citroque salutes, 
quanto Pontifex Maximus gaudio affectus est propter 
adeptam ipsius victoriam enunciavit ; dein majestati 
suze magnopere summa cum facundia gratulari ; neque 
unquam sanctitatem suam dubitasse quin' Dei nutu 
sua sublimitas ad vota perveniret; Deum sic solere 
regna disponere ut aliquandiu illis impunitatem, istis 
injuriam perpeti concedat, tandem jus suum unicuique 
reddere ; et quoniam audivit ad extremum sic evenisse 
omnia, tamquam pignus et monumentum fidei nostræ 
perpetuum ad bonorum exemplum malorumque formi- 
dinem gladium justitiæ, galerum vero longanimitatis 


1 qui in MS. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 47 


ac perseverantiæ ad se misisse, sperareque illum ali- A.D. 1489. 
quando totius rei Christiane monarchiam adversus 
militantis ecclesiæ hostes truculentissimos defensurum. 

Quibus verbis ab ipsius regis cancellario * * #1 

non minus prudenter quam diserte responsum est. Tle 
responsione tam benigna contentus amplis donatus 
muneribus lztabundus abiit. 


De varia principum legatione. 


Fuere ea tempestate ad prudentissimum regem variis Ambas- 
ex regionibus oratores destinati; domini profecto are of 
insigni stemmate, excellenti ingenio, eximia doctrina, countries 
plurima rerum copia prediti, qui ob inclyti regis tate Henry. 
famam longe lateque per orbem terrarum volitantem 
gratulatum advenerant. Galli imprimis, Iberi Teu- 
tones, Burgundi, Lusitani, Pannonii, Caledoniique a 
suis illustrissimis regibus ad regum omnium tamquam 
patrem atque imperatorem destinati; quos omnes pro 
dignitate personarum ac nobilitatis antiquitate, adeo 
humaniter, adeo sapienter, adeo magnifice suscepit 
mansuetissimus rex ut nihil ad cumulum honoris 
amplitudinis et liberalitatis reliquerit. Hos itaque 
omnes ubi singulariter orantes audivit magna cum 
gratulatione dimisit. Illi ad suos se celeriter contulere. 

Interim boreales in quendam suum illustrem alioquin AD. 1488. 
et bello præstantem ac de regia majestate benemeritum Insurrec- 
comitem Nortumbrorum, quia regis partes agebat, in- Non the 
cautum invadentes trucidarunt. De cujus nece versus 
a nobis qui sequuntur editi sunt: 


1 Blank in MS. 


48 


A.D. 1488. 


Verses on 
the murder 
of the earl 
of North- 
umberland. 


BERNARDI ANDRE 


De Nortumbrorum comitis nece. 


“ Nunquid es ludo satur, O Quirine? 


Tam gravi quanto, furibunde, pulsu 
Cogis humanos animos furenti 
Currere motu ! 


Desinas, tandem, superate nostro 
Septimo Henrico totiens minari, 
Qui tuo campo triplici reportans 

Pila triumphat, 


Lauriger princeps, placidusque, mitis ; 
Hosticos omnes reprimit furores, 
Ut diuturna liceat Britannis 

Vivere pace. 


Quid feros, O Mars truculente! agrestes 

Dexteris movit, duce te,’ cruentis 

(Prohsscelus!) tantum comitem nefanda 
Perdere morte. 


Ergo jam, vani quoniam tumultus 
Irriti prorsus cecidere nostri 
Regis invicti sapiente cura, 

Tela reconde. 


Perge, rex fortis, pie, rex benigne, 

Perge, nam sacris mihi crede votis, 

Annuet Christus genitrixque semper 
Virgo beata. 


Et prement atras Erebi sorores 
Leeta per totum tua fata mundum ; 
Vela perducent Zephyri secundi 
Per mare vastum. 


1 innit ducte, MS., doubtless inaccurately transcribed from an older 
copy of the poem. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 49 


Faxit ut nostris precibus diurnis A.D. 1488, 
Supplices hoc nos Deus, hoc precamur, 
Ut diu regni teneas habenam 
Sospite cursu ; 
Currat et late per aprica rura 
Sancta pax demum facies, O princeps! 
Di dabunt vires, bene perge, tendunt 
Carbasa venti. 


Nunc tibi, nunc rex rediit serenus, 
Civitas, claros modo sume vultus ; 
Dure jam pratis vacuus maneto 

Cum bove, arator. 
Heeduli jamjam saliant petulci 
Per rubos florem cytisi virentes. 
Inter audaces lupus erret agnos, 

Hoste subacto. 


Gaudeant omnes tenues popelli. 

Gaudeas passim, regio, canoris 

Vocibus promens, repetente cantus 
Rege penates.” 

Rex itaque audita comitis nece molestissime tulit, 
collectaque manu boreales partes adiit atque in omnes 
qui insurrexerunt severe pro meritis animadvertit. 
Inde paulo post in Hibernia novitatis aliud ac prodi- 
tionis in regem molitum est. 


De Conyuratione Hibernica. 


A.D. 1487. 
Crudescente iterum filiorum Eduardi regis diro Impos- 
funere, ecce aliud novum facinus seditiosi homines tare of 
excogitarunt ; quippe ut fictionem suam mendacio Simnel. 
velarent quemdam vulgo natum, puerum, sive pistoris, 
sive sutoris, filium Eduardi Quarti scelerata mente 
jactaverunt. Tantum apud eos valet audacia ut neque 


D 


A.D. 1487. 


50 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


Deum neque homines, quum in regem suum odium 
conciperent, formidare curent. Sic, igitur, excogitata 
inter ipsos fallacia, Eduardi secundum filium in Hiber- 
nia regem coronatum fama retulit. Cumque ad regem 
talis rumor delatus esset, ipse ut est sagacissimus ab 
illis percontatur omnia; quomodo videlicet et a quibus 
illuc delatus sit, ubi educatus, ubi tamdiu moratus, 
quos haberet amicos, et alia hujusmodi permulta 
sapienter investigat. Nuncii missi pro rerum varietate 
varii, postremo . . * #1 qui 
se illum si talis esset facile cogniturum asserebat, 
transmissus est. Ille autem arte mala jam instructus 
ab his qui Eduardi tempora notaverant ad omnia 
caduciferi interrogata promptissime respondebat. Tan- 
dem, ne longum faciam, falsa suggerentium instruc- 
tione a plurimis eisdemque prudentibus viris Eduardi 
filius credebatur, adeoque firmiter tenebatur ut plerique 
mortem oppetere pro illo minime dubitarent. Quod 
sequitur specta. Tanta fuit illis diebus illustrium etiam 
virorum ignorantia, tanta cæcitas (ne superbiam aut 
malitiam dixerim), ut comes Linconiensis * + 
+ * * * *! idem credere non 
ambigeret. Et quoniam ex ipsius Eduardi stirpe 
ductum habebat, domina Margareta olim Karoli novis- 
smi ducis Burgondionum uxor Eduardique germana 
illum per litteras ad se vocavit; qui furtim hinc 
fugiens ad illam, paucis tantæ proditionis consciis, 
celeriter est profectus. Atque ut rem paucis breviter 
expediam, qua opera et consilio prædictæ mulieris 
Hiberni borealesque ad hanc seditionem evocantur. 
Collecta itaque tam Teutonum quam Hibernorum ex- 
peditione, opitulante semper jamdicta domina, in 
Angliam brevi trajiciunt, oramque borealem appellunt. 





1 Blank in MS. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 51 


De Secundo Henrici Septimi Triwmpho. AD. 1487. 


Rex divino semper numine fretus, ubi hee audivit 
sine ulla trepidatione, sed constanti præstantique animo 
suos ita seorsum alloquitur : 


Regis Oratio. 


« Fidissimi domini ac strenuissimi bellorum socii, qui The King’s 
speech to 

tanta pericula mecum terra marique estis experti, ecce his sol- 
iterum inviti altero tentamur prælio. Comes enim iers- 
Linconiensis, ut nostis, homo perfidus, sine ulla sibi a 
me data occasione iniquam adversum me causam tutatur. 
Neque hoc facit, ut videtis, dissimulanter, verum impu- 
dentissime, sine ullo Dei timore ; non tantum nobis ut 
incommodet quam ut obsequatur levis ac procacis 
mulierculæ consilio ; quæ sanguinem suum a Richardo 
fratre suo extinctum non ignorat, vérum quia stirpi 
nostree sanguis ille semper inimicatus est, parum nepti 
suse consorti mez clarissimæ prospiciens, nos ac liberos 
nostros perdere tentat. Videtis ergo quotiens ab ipsis 
irritamur; sed inultum a nobis id nunquam auferet. 
Deum imprimis testor et sanctos angelos ejus equidem, 
saluti vestræ communique quieti dum noctes atque 
dies consulere paro, repugnat hostis antiquus. Verum- 
tamen Deus judex justus fortis et patiens huic quoque 
malo remedium afferet. Vos interea hortor et moneo 
ut plus valeat hoc tempore justa hæreditas quam 
illorum iniquitas. Nec dubitetis quin Deus ipse qui 
nos superiore bello victores effecit idem nunc de hosti- 
bus nos triumphare permittet. Aggrediamur itaque 
illos intrepidi; nam Deus noster adjutor est.” 

Finierat cum jam respondere parato ut ante comiti 
Oxoniensi rex quia tempus urgebat silentium indicit 
ac temporis angustiæ consulendum imperavit. Ih 

D 2 


52 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1487. ferme præcipites, atra ceu tempestate columbæ, arma 
capessunt. Jamque barbarorum turmis appropinquabat 
regius exercitus; illique supercilio montis instructi 
paratique nostros operiebantur. Sed Deus ultionum 
Dominus injustas illorum iras vindicans, repentino 

The rebels venti turbine, velut dum Constantinus adversus ecclesiæ 

dued. hostes dimicaret, exorto dum præliantur, nostri qui 
putabantur superati illos denique subjecerunt. Tunc 
subito ad æthera exortus clamor “Rex Henricus,” clan- 
gentibus undique tubis, aures omnium letitia com- 
plevit. Ibi nebulonum ille regulus in Hibernia ut 
ante dixi coronatus misellus bello capitur; qui inter- 
rogatus qua audacia tantum facinus vapulo facere 
ausus esset, a quibusdam sus sortis flagitiosis homi- 
nibus se fuisse coactum non negavit.! Deinde super 
generis ac parentum conditione interrogatus, viles 
omnino personas, vilibusque officiis, nec in hac historia 
inseri dignis, omnes fuisse confessus est. Comes autem 
ille Linconiensis dignum factis exitium pertulit; nam 
in campo interemptus est, et item alii permulti, 
quorum dux atque imperator Martinus Souarp, vir 
alioquin bellicis artibus egregie doctus, fortiter pug- 
nando corruit. Parta Dei Optimi Maximi gratia a 
rege nostro victoria, paucis admodum suorum in eo 
bello trucidatis, Londinum Deo gratulatum revertitur, 
tota comitante caterva. Pro cujus felicissimo reditu 
carmen hoc a nobis compositum est: 


Verses in Nocturnas alii Phrygum ruinas, 
the vie Et tarde reducis vias Ulixis, 
tory. Et puppem temerariam Minerve, 


Trita vatibus orbita sequantur. 
Laudent Hectora Thessalosque currus, 
Et supplex Priami potentis aurum. 


* In the margin here occur the words “ Pierquini confessio” inserted 
by mistake. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 53 


Hic Pelusiaci scelus Canopi, A.D. 1487, 
Atque iste ossibus Italis Philippos 
Albentes canat enitente plectro. 

Hi claros probitate Scipiadas 
Magna voce sonent ; Catonis illi 
Dicant justitiam viri severam ; 
Antiquumque numen! metu deorum 
Et cum religione dicat alter ; 

Alter non taceat tuam, Metelle, 
Virtutem. Sed enim tuus, diserte 
Regis magnanimi quidem minister, 
Cui cum Pallade Phoebus ipse claras 
Artes contulit utriusque juris ; 
Mores ingenuos, salubre corpus, 
Prudens consilium, ducis favorem 
Tanti humaniter et dedere nymphæ 
Humano tibi, quod meis camœna 
Virtutes fidibus vel Amphionis ? 
Digno promere non valet Thalia. 
Henrici cano Septimi triumphos 
Divi principis ; ille cura Phoebo 
Solus ; namque meos amat benigne 
Princeps versiculos colitque musas, 
Princeps belligeris decorus armis, 
Princeps vincere nec ferire lætus, 
Princeps sequoreum regens tridentem, 
Princeps cura sui tremorque regni, 
Princeps Martigenæ decus Quirini, 
Princeps Cecropia nitens oliva, 
Princeps, Croese, tuas opes repellens, 
Princeps Mercurii nepos superni, 
Princeps ingenio nitente præstans, 
Fama, religione, comitate, 

Sensu, sanguine, gratia, decore. 


1 Sic in MS. 3 Amphienis in MS. 


54 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1487. Ergo fistula nostra semper illum 
Tollet quantulacumque ad astra semper ; 
Et nomen recitabit usque donec,— 
Donec saxa vadis levata natent 
Imis, Antinous! (?) vel heros 
Audax non timeat suum Melampum? 
A crusade  Redeunti de victoria invictissimo regi Summi Pon- 
prociaimed. tificis legatus® in urbe Londino adfuit, qui adversus 
hostes ecclesiæ cruciatam ab ipso beatissimo patre 
concessam nunciavit. Quam benignissime ut solet 
omnes humanissimus rex cum gaudio suscepit, jus- 
sisque Romani Pontificis tamquam patri filius obe- 
dientissimus paruit, et illico ipsam cruciatam per 
totum suum regnum divulgari imperavit. Et de 
hujus quoque legati adventu versus a nobis hi 
extemporaliter editi sunt: 


Ad legatum Summi Pontificis. 


Romani colitur chori sacerdos. 

Vestrd est ista dies, favete Muse. 
Venit flumina qui et greges ferarum 
Et plectro Geticas moveret ornos. 

Huic cedit furor arduus Lucreti, 

Et qui per freta duxit Argonautas, 

Et qui corpora prima transfigurat. 
Quid majus loquar? huic ferocis Enni‘ 
Cedit musa rudis, Maroniani te° 
Exempli margine nam ® sedet poeta, 


1 Anthenonis (?), MS. 4 Emay, MS. 


3 Parts of this poem are taken 5 Sic, qu. et? 
from Statius Sylv. lib. ii 7. * There is numifestly some inac- 


# John de Giglis, or de Liliis, | curacy here which it is impossible 
bishop of Worcester. to rectify. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 55 


Et junctæ pede vocis et solute A.D. 1487. 
Preecallet numeros. Beata tellus, 

Summis! oceani videns in undis 

Pronos Hyperionis meatus, 

Lucanum tulit unicum proavis ; 

At nobis eadem alterum nitenti 

Lucensi dedit urbe, Liliorum 

Ductum germine, carminum nitore, 

Fama, simplicitate, comitate, 

Sensu, sanguine, gratia, decore.* — 


Altera ex Francia legatio. 


Nec longe post, Christianissimi Francorum regis The 
Karoli Octavi eloquentissimus orator, Gaguinus, ordinis King ques 
Sanctæ Trinitatis generalis, una cum Francisco domino for peace. 
de Luxemburgo et * * + *3 
clarissimis collegis suis, ad regem nostrum pacis 
foedera supplicantes honorifice advenerunt. Quibus‘, post 
luculentam orationem qua ut dixi pacem et amici- 
tiam  precabantur, piæ memorize  reverendissimus 
Cardinalis Cantuariensis disertissime prudentissimeque 
in hanc respondit sententiam : “ Regiam sublimitatem 
exemplo Salvatoris nostri pacis semper fuisse studio- 
sissimam ; verum pacem haberi non posse nisi pro- 
pulsata injuria et contumelia; bellaque eo mover 
solita, ut sine injuria in pace vivantur. Quare 
Gallorum regem prius reddere debere quæ sua 


1 Summos, MS. * Blank in MS. 
7 Several of the expressions in 4 Quis, MS. 
this poem also are derived from 
that of Statius above referred to. 


56 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1487. sunt regi nostro, postea pacem petere.” His ita 


protractis rex in consultationem rem ipsam posuit. 
Tandem inter eos decretum est ut si tmbutum non 
solverent, bellum in illos brevi strueretur. Alia que 
inter eos consultim! acta sunt quia me fugiunt 
prætereo. Illi igitur, tali responsione ad regem suum 
redeuntes, iterum ad nos missi sunt, rationes nescio 
quas afferentes, quæ regi nostro minime placuere. Et 
idcirco prædictus Gaguinus furore incitatus versiculos 
in regem nostrum temerarie effudit, quorum tale fuit 
initium : 


“ Siccine tam crebris frustra conventibus Anglos 
Queerimus,” etc. 

Caleti enim, quod præmittere debueram, primum de 
pace cum nostris oratoribus conventum habuerant. Sed 
pulchre bonæ memorize dominus Johannes de Gilliis, vir 
profecto divinarum humanarumque rerum peritissimus, 
in illum cavillatus est, ac nomine regio respondit illi 
præfato oratori ; qui propter opiparum atque splendidis- 
simum convivium quo rex humanissimus omnifaria ? 
ferculorum lautitia copiosissime exuberantium exceperat, 
carmine suo, quod nunc menti non occurrit, regem 
pastorem vocaverat. Sic ille facete imquit, “Si me 
pastorem, te decet esse pecus,” et alia permulta Tum 
dominus Petrus Carmelianus Bricciensis, orator et poeta 
clarissimus ac regius secretarius benemeritissimus, 
lepidissimo carmine suo, quod propter ejus absentiam 
dum hæc scriberem habere non potui, fellitum alterius 
risum mirum in modum sugillavit. Taceo facundissimi 
oratoris Cornelii Vitellii in eundem mordacissimum 
epigramma, cujus est principium : 

“Siccine purpureos incessis carmine reges ? 
Legati officio siccine functus abis ? ” 


' Sic in MS. 2 omnifuriam, MS. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 57 


Et nos quoque, qui de grege poetarum sumus, non A-D. 1487, 
paucos ut illi, sed pene ducentos in illum debacchati 
sumus, quippe nil audacius est malo poeta. Primum 
igitur heroicis fere quinquaginta, quorum initium : 

“Phoebe pater, jam, Phoebe, veni: fas antra movere 
Delia.” 
Post, elegis : 
“ Nestoris annosi,” etc. 
Item aliis sic initientibus : 
“ Puppis ad Œnopiam,” etc. 

Iterum aliis hendecasyllabis, “Cum tot sustineas ” ; 
quorum finem hic apposui propter memoriam, seu 
majus jactantiam : 

“ Miles gaudet equis, colonus agris 
Venator canibus, poeta musis ; 
Sic urit sua quemlibet voluptas.” 

His atque hujusmodi compluribus dicteriis explosus 
exsibilatusque, furibundus abiit. Rex vero interea quæ 
ad bellum necessaria videbantur maturare præcepit ut 
ante brumam expeditionem trajiceret; hyems enim 
appropinquabat. 


De legatione Maximiliani Regis Romanorum. 


Dum hee per Anglian disponuntur, magna cum Baty 
magnis et excellentibus viris a Maximiliano Roma- mijisn 
norum rege in Angliam legatio venit. Causas tantæ 
legationis, quia de regiis personis dicere ad me non 
attmet, præsertim ubi parum ad rem faciunt, præter- 
mitto. Unum hoc dicere ausim, regem prefatum olin 
adversus regem nostrum causas iwjurlarum wovime 
quam maximas, quas alio in loco opportunius comime- 
morabimus Expositis itaque ultro citroque utrinque 
causis, ad propria legati rediere Kt oom ab indyw 
archiduce Philippo Flandnz altera legatin vent 


58 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1487. dominis instructa superbis, inter quos præcipuus * 


Birth of 
Prince 


*1l; quos omnes toto 
cum: egregio comitatu eorum, qui pacis et amicitiæ 
causa venerant, rex jucundissime suscepit. Postea 
amplissimis donatos muneribus illos dimisit. 

Hoc in loco in mentem venit serenissimæ dominæ 


ana Margarete, illustrissimi regis nostri filis primogenite, 


the the Frin- excellentissimique Henrici ducis Eboraci, preedicti regis 


garet. 


secundo nati fill, natalis longe celeberrimus ; qui 
antequam prædicta contingerent in lucem fuerunt editi. 
Verum amborum natalibus felicissimis, dum istec in 
mundum redigerentur, conscribendis tempus  aliud 
opportunius erit. Obiter incepta prosequamur. 


De Regis in Galliam trajectione. 


Paratis ad expeditionem omnibus, rex prudentis- 
simus ubi regni sui super statu omnia providit, Deo 
cuncta gubernanti committens, exercitum in Galliam, 
veluti prius consulto instituerat, transmittere curavit. 


De Gallorwm formidine. 


Audito victoriosissimi regis nostri adventu inopinato, 
Galli subita formidine trepidare; arma capere ; pars 
Boloniam versus properare, pars dominum de Cordis 
rogare, ut tantis periculis suapte prudentia resisteret ; 
præterea eidem superioris temporis jacturas in bello 
illatas memorare. Ille, ut erat cunctabundus, prius regis 
sui placitum spectare, illos territos confirmare. Interim 
rex noster clarissimæ reginæ illustrissimisque liberis 


! Blank in MS. 


VITA HENRICI VIL 59 


suis ubi bene consuluit prospero vento se commusit. AD. 1494. 
Sed antequam ex littore solveret in hanc sententiam 
ad suos proceres verba fecit : 


Regis Oratio. 


“ Memini equidem, clarissimi domini, ut vos prius 
cum sacris eloquiis conveniam, non in multitudine 
exercitus victoria belli, sed de ccelo fortitudo est. 
Nolite igitur viribus vestris nimium confidere ; sed in 
Deo potius spes vestras apponite. Ut vestris faverem 
consiliis bellum ingens atque arduum aggredior ; verum 
non in fortitudine virorum, nec in multitudine armorum, 
equorum, divitiarum, cæterarumque rerum solum confido; 
sed in Dei misericordia pietate ac præsidio spem meam 
omnem reposui. Et quamquam dilectissimæ consortis 
mes, necnon parvulorum adhuc liberorum nostrorum 
affectio, præterea ingruentis jam hyemis difficultas, me 
non parum sollicitent, tamen votis malui vestris quam 
meis hoc tempore morem gerere ut ad rem bene ge- 
rendam animos vestros noster invitet amor, attrahat 
charitas, vincat affectio, suadeat humanitas. Verum, 
quia tempus hoc pluribus verbis non indiget, finem 
dicendi facio.” - 

Tunc suis vale faciens reliquit super negotia regia. Besieges 
Itaque mandatis omnibus que volebat felici navi- Potloge, 
gatione Caletum advenit. Et, ut cuncta que illic 
gesta sunt præteream, Bononiam oppidum muni- 
tissimum prima fronte obsidens, tormentis illud bellicis 
fortiter oppugnare ccepit. Illi contra resistere, et intra 
mœnia se tueri; in campum exire non audere, sed 
machinis e muro se defendere. Interea Galli, coacto 
consilio, dominum de Cordis ad regem nostrum jussu 
regis sui legavere; qui post salutes a rege suo relatas, 
magnis pollicitacionibus primum regem tentare, deinde 


60 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1492. precibus supplex orare ut ab incepto desisteret. Rex, 


and re- 
England. 


ut est natura pacificus, neque sanguinis humani pro- 
fusor, in consultationem rem ipsam posuit. Interim 
domino præfecto Caleti, domino Egidio Daubenay, nunc 
supremo regio cubiculario, viro sane prudentissimo fidis- 
simoque, rem totam commisit cum altero communi- 
candam. Tandem operante Deo via pacis comperta 
est sub benignissimo principe Monte Aureo. Quocirca, 
pactionibus utrinque transactis scriptoque solenniter 
commendatis, antiquum jus suum rex noster sub tributo 
ut alii sui sanguinis antecessores poposcit ; quod quidem 
gratiosissime a rege Gallorum concessum est, cum 
multis aliis supra notitiam meam additis, unde spatium 
quoque hic relictum est; ut reliqua a me per ignoran- 
tiam prætermissa, posthac quum ad perfectum ineptias 
nostras redigi princeps edixerit, adjicientur. 

* * * * * 


* 


De Reditu Regis nostri. 


Post foedera pacis pro sua sententia confirmata rex 
clementissimus, quandoquidem instabat hyems, suos 
properavit revisere penates. Accedebant ab ipsa tunc 
moœæstissima regina litteræ quam creberrimæ, omnimodæ 
suavitatis et amoris plenissimæ, quæ profecto non 
parum humanum regis ingenium mansuetumque ani- 
mum ad revertendum alliciebant. Rebus itaque illic 
universis feliciter tam Caleti quam apud Guynes com- 
positis, Junone secunda, austrisque suave’ flantibus, rex 
toto cum exercitu suo salvus reversus est et in 
Cantium appulsus, ubi divo Thoms Cantuariensi vota 
persolvens, post Londinum populis - undiquaque leetitia 
exhilaratis gaudenter * 





1 Sic, pro suaviter. 3 Blank in MS. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 61 


ingressus est. Pro cujus felicissimo reditu nos quoque AD. 1492. 
pauca quæ sequuntur hilariter cecinimus. 


Pro victoriosissimi Regis e Gallia 
reditu congratulatio. 


Ad Musam. : 
Vade ad laurigerum canens trophæum, Verses on 
O felix, sine me, et beata Clio, the occa- 


sion. 


Quæ tantos hodie vides triumphos 
Et cernis venerabilem senatum 
‘Tanto occurrere plaudere atque regi. 
Quo majus potuit nihil Britannis 
Excelsus dare Jupiter, nec ipse 

Ad delubra defim referre majus 
Princeps munera quam sacrata pacis. 
Gaudent hac Superi, popellus ista, 
Hanc totus veneratur ecce mundus, 
I, nunc, laurea pacis et quietis 
Velatum nitidos lares benigni 

Regis pacis amor Deus faveto. 


De eodem. 


Ecce diem roseis palatias alma quadrigis 
De Morino rediens littore pulchra vehit. 
Memnonis heus genitrix, ecquid tam plena rosarum 
Atria, purpureas conspicioque fores ? 
Cur non diffugiunt ignes, Matuta, minores 
Et cur tam pigros, Bosphore, jungis equos ? 
An quia magnificas vultis, pia numina, pompas 
Cernere, et invicti clara trophæa ducis ? 
Effugite ignivomos celeres conjungere Solis 
Quadrupedes : Hore protinus ecce parant. 


A.D. 1492. 


64 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


Pro eodem. 


Ergo preeclaros hodie triumphos 

Concinens late regio Britanna 

Gaudeat, magnas studeatque Christo 
Solvere grates. 


Tuque, Mars, vani quoniam tumultus 
Jam tui prorsus cecidere nostri 
Principis cura, furibunde, sævas 

Conde sagittas. 


Vive, rex fortis, pius atque mitis, 

Vive, nam paci Deus et quieti 

Annuit semper, jubet et quieta 
Vivere pace. 


O utinam Angligenis, Mars, nunquam intestina bella 
parares, belligerum alioquin populum tot retro sæcu- 
lorum ætatibus victoriosum semper tuereris, et sub 
hoc sapientissimo rege Henrico Septimo vel maxime, 
quo nec præstantior ullus ante fuit nec erit, redeant 
licet Saturni seecula regis, qui si vera est fama auream 
ætatem primus in orbem introduxit.. Sed illum ut est 
in fabulis Jupiter e regno pepulit. Nostrum autem, 
cui Aureus Mons agnomento est, Saturno felicior sapien- 
tiorque, regnandi sua tempora in ævum prorogabit ; sic 
enim Superis complacitum est. Et quamquam infelix 
invidia sæpius illum suis depellere successibus demo- 
lita est, tamen adversus Deum irrita sunt quæcunque 
moliuntur homines ; qui tamen Deus, sua arcana nulli 
prorsus mortalium cognita ratione, interdum hominum 
improbitatem contra bonos et justos desævire patitur, 
ut virtus, que in medio habitat, ut aurum in fornace 
probetur. Legimus itidem Herculi evenisse, qui post 
tot monstra fatali subacta labore tandem  reperit 
invidiam supremo fine renasci Quid Remum et 
Romulum, quid Alexandrum atque Pompeium mag- 


VITA HENRICI VII. 65 


norum nomine decoratos ; nonne livor edax atrociter 4.D. 1492. 
omnes persecutus est? Equidem Christianorum prin- 

cipum video adhuc superesse neminem quem ægra 

bonis invidia non molestaverit. Imprimis vero quos 

aliqua virtutis et honoris præcellentia cæteros preestare 

videt ; quorum bona omnium pace dixerim noster hic 
Henricus facile princeps est. Verum ne totiens lau- 

dando aut adulari aut assentari videar, institutum 
prosequamur. 


De Perquino. 


Verum est quod vulgo dicitur, invidia moritur nun- The malice 
quam. Hoc siquidem in eo quod mox dicturus sum Maree 
indigno facinore luce clarius cernere est. Illa namque, gundy. 
salva' regiæ stirpis reverentia, Margareta Burgundiæ, 

Juno quondam huic regi altera, tantis pristinis odiis 
non satiata, novum quoddam et inauditum antea 
facinus in regem nostrum excogitavit ; ejusque immor- 
tale odium, quia æterna est mulieris ira,’ ad regis 
‘nostri subditos derivare conata est. Non autem potuit 
ejus toxicum nisi leves ac futiles movere personas. 
Inter quas Secretarius Gallicus regis serenitatis, nomine 
Stephanus Frion, veneno muliebris suggestionis infectus, 
a rege deficiens cum aliquot sui ordinis nebulonibus 
transfuga, quicquid in regem potuit demolitus est. 
Verum conatus illius irritus: extrema eundem miseria 
mulctavit. Hujus autem factionis conspiratores plurimi 
tunc nominati sunt; quos viritim recensere perlongum 
esset. Petreyum autem quemdam Tornacensem ab Petkia 


Eduardo quondam Judo, postea a rege Eduardo sacro eect oe 


1 salve in MS. original, and the word Nota added 
?quia aterna est mulieris ira]. | in the margin. 
These words are underlined in the 


66 . BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1492, levato fonte, in hac regione educatum, regis Eduardi 


He goes 
to Flan- 
ders, and 
thence to 
Ireland. 


Quarti minorem filium effinxerunt ; illumque per varias 
terras enutritum simulantes, tandem in Franciam 
consilio preedicti Fryon ad Karolum Octavum perdux- 
erunt. Imo vero Galli, ut aiunt, illum magnis pollici- 
tationibus, ut regem nostrum deterrerent, ex Hibernia 
acciverunt. Qui cum rem suam cum Gallis parum 
succedere cognovisset, Junone illum revocante, in 
Flandriam profectus est. Post in Hyberniam corona- 
tionis gratia prospero vento delatus, magnam barba- 
rorum illius insulæ partem suis calidissimis subornavit 
tentationibus. Explicabat enim et ex prompta me- 
moria repetebat omnia Eduardi Quarti tempora, 
omnesque illius familiares ac domesticos, uti fuerat 
instructus et a parvulo noverat, memoriter recitabat. 
Addebat præterea locorum, temporum, personarumque 
circumstantias, quibus illorum hominum levitati facillime 
persuadebat. Usque adéo res hæc tali velata figmento 
invaluit ut prudentes quoque ac magna nobilitate viri 
ad idem credendum inducerentur. Quid tum postea? 
Prophetise quædam de illo longe lateque falso a pseudo- 
prophetis divulgabantur, que vulgares et populares 
animos prorsus excæcabant. Postremo dolis fraudibus- 
que male consulentium effectum est ut e Flandria 
solvens in Angliam properaret ; et eo potissimum tem- 
pore, quia rex in longinquis regni sui remotisque 
longe a Cantio partibus tunc occupatus erat. Quare 
paratis omnibus sumptu et impensa Junonis armata 
classis in Cantium dirigitur. Cujus preefecti * . 

* . . * * ' viri alio- 
quin bello præstantes, se pelago fortunæque  credi- 
derunt. Cantiani vero superioribus castigati temporibus, 
formidolosi, primum dubitare, pars quid eis pro novis- 
sima conspiratione acciderat cogitare; Christum enim 


1 Blank in MS. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 67 


paulo ante cum apostolis in mundum rediisse, ut AD. 1499. 
aiunt, effingentes ignaros agrestes seduxerant, condig- 
nasque factis pœnas luerant. Quas ob res post jam 
memoratæ  classis appulsionem unanimiter regiis 
hostibus repugnare decreverunt. Consilio autem coacto, 
primum illos humaniter ad terram recipientes auxiliaria 

arma polliciti sunt. Navis autem Petreii, vento 

ut fertur adversante, seu, ut alii volunt, illo jam 
dolum suspicante, longe relicta fuit Quæ cum alios But fails. 
jam captos audivisset fuga salutem comparavit. Ili 

vero, desperatis rebus ubi se delusos cognoverunt, 
primo de fide quseri, post confligere, sed ab N.* *! 

facile superati sunt. Et ad certum diem Londinum, 
restibus, ut fures, ordine vincti, præter vulneratos qui 

bigis ducebantur, magna omnium expectatione ingressi 

sunt. Et post aliquot dies alii capite plexi, alii laqueo 

vitam finierunt, numero pene quadringenti Rex 
autem, qui visitandi regni gratia ab urbe, ut dixi, longe 

tunc aberat, Deo semper gratias agens, ubi illos captos 
audivit, talia placido reddidit ore : 


_ Regis grutulatio. 


“ Non sum nescius, misericordissime Jesu, quantas The king’s 
in hunc Saturni diem precibus tus piissimæ matris cing, 
mihi victorias contulisti Quasquidem omnes non meis 
meritis sed dono ccelestis gratiæ tuæ ascribo. Vides, 
benignissime Jesu, quot in me insidias, quot fraudes, 
quot tela paravit atrox illa Juno; que tamen post 
nostrum connubium se letabundam simulans, omni nos 
favore ac benevolentia prosecuturam bona fide pro- 
miserat. Sed vento mobilior omnia divina et humana 
pervertens, Deum non timet, sed in suum sanguinem 


= 


1 Blank in MS. 
E 2 


68 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1493 infensa molitur exitium. Tu, Deus, qui omnia nosti, 


Margaret 
still en- 


courages 
Perkin. 


si meremur, ab his quoque malis nos libera ; sin 
peccata nostra meruere pati, fac nobiscum in bene- 
placito tuo. Gratias nihilominus tus gratis debemus 
immortales ; quas etsi lingua pro dignitate non possu- 
mus, habendi tamen bono semper sumus animo. Et 
ea quidem mente ut nulla unquam prosperitas, nulla 
adversitas, nulli casus, nulla diversitas locorum aut 
temporum, tui nos faciat esse immemores.” His ita a 
modestissimo rege explicitis, quid in reliquum tempus 
agendum esset cum suo gravissimo consilio deliberat. 
Interim Pirquinus cum Junone sua spe sua frustratus 
varias in partes animum ad exequendum propositum 
applicat. Tandem multa versantibus commodissimum 
visum est, ut ab incepto victi non desisterent, sed 
malis mala superadderent; quare Juno sic exorsa est, 


Oratio Junonia. 


“ Siccine quare, nepos, conatibus nostris fata repug- 
nant ? Siccine Henrici providentia nos semper eludet ? 
O Britonum adversus progeniem nostram miranda 
potentia! Jam superioris statis inter illos et nos tot 
bella gesta meminisse juvat, quibus illi semper in- 
feriores extitere. Nonne usque ad Cadvaladri tempora 
Saxonum invicta manus Britones cunctos perdomuit ? 
Nonne Britannicus sanguis hoc uno Henrico nostram 
posteritatem jam subacturus est? quidem si non 
melius nobis prospexerimus, Trojanus ille sanguis stirpi 
nostræ finem imponet. Quare sagaci mente quid 
contra faciendum sit investigemus. Ibis itaque, mi 
dilectissime nepos, ac regi Romanorum Maximiliano 
adversam fortunam nostram significabis, semper illud 
in animo et in pectore quod inter nos de fratris mei 
filio effictum est caute dissimulans. Addes præterea 


VITA HENRICI VIL 69 


Jacturam fortunæ præfectorum quos illustrissimus filius A.D. 1492. 
ejus Philippus archidux tibi in auxilium dederat, 

ab eodem Henrico sine misericordia trucidatos. Prop- 

terea si te juvare voluerit, te spem maximam os- 

tendes habere semel propositi nostri fore compotes, 
eidemque supremi cubicularii Henrici aliorumque 

litteras dominorum ad te proxime datas secreto signifi- 

cabis.” 


De conjuratione domini Guillielmi Stansle. 


Hic locus hortari videtur ut serenissimi regis nostri A.D. 1495. 
tunc supremi cubicularii domini Guillermi Stansle con- 
jurationem attingamus. Fuere sub idem tempus viri 
sane doctissimi religiosissimique cum prædicto cubi- 
culario in conjuratione deprehensi. Inter quos quia 
excellenti sacrarum litterarum scientia precellebat 
primum Sancti Dominici ordinis prædicatorii provin- 
cialem commemoro ; egregium deinde doctorem theo- 
logum magistrum Sutum ; præteres decanum Sancti 
Pauli Londini * . *, 1 


et quosdam alios quorum nomina non occurrunt. Hi Also Sit 


omnes pecunias ad Pirquinum vel dederant vel ab Stanley 
aliis datas clamculo miserant, Verum cubicularius, and 


omnium ditissimus, magnos pecuniarum acervos possi- 
debat, quibus illum et tutari et in regnum adducere 
promiserat. Sed quamvis ex illo præclaro sanguine 
Stansle editus erat, non debet tamen ejus culpa claris- 
simos sui generis offendere. Nam, ut inquit apostolus, 
“ Figulus queedam fingit vasa ad honorem et quædam 
ad contumeliam, et ex eadem massa.” Fides autem, 
constantia et veritas reliquorum illius generis illa 


1 A blank hefe in the MS; 


A.D. 
1495-7. 


Stanley is 
beheaded. 


Perkin 


Beotland ; 


Invades 
Cornwall ; 


70 BERNARDI ANDREA 


tempestate luce clarius enituit ; claretque indies eorum 
fidelissima sane erga regem nostrum observantia incon- 
cussa. Sed ad illum redeamus. Postquam regia ma- 
jestas tum litteris tum relatu strenui militis domini 
Roberti Clifort (qui etiam a rege defecerat et in Flan- 
driam cum Pirquino aufugerat), primum, ut sapientiz 
ipsius est mos, quæ de illo referebantur vera ne essent 
omnia prudentissime percontatus est, atque ubi sic 
se habere comperit ipsum cubicularium legibus suis 
puniendum commisit ; sicque capite truncatus est. 
Viros autem illos quos supra memoravi ecclesiasticos 
propter ecclesiæ dignitatem vita donatos dimisit. Post 
aliquot vero dies supremum indixit consilium; quo 
quidem tempore Pirquinus, Tornacensis oriundus, Maxi- 
iniliano et aliis adjutoribus in Hiberniam delatus, idem 
facere consultus est. Celebrato tandem consilio * 

* * * *1 qui illum gubernabant 
optimum factu visum est ut in Scotiam formidine pons 
diverteret. Coacta igitur classe in Scotiam venit, ibi- 
‘demque a rege Scotorum humanissime susceptus est, 
Postremo rex errore deceptus, ut plerique alii etiam 
prudentissimi antea principes, quia ille diffidere de 
Scotis videbatur, eodem hoc postulante, de uxore sibi 
matrimonio copulanda curavit. Dataque est illi egregiis 
orta natalibus regique illi consanguinitate propinquis 
parentibus illustris domina [Katherina Gordon*] pre- 
claris dotata moribus: peractaque conjugii celebritate 
cum suis liberis jam Scotorum auxilio fretus iterum 
Angliam petere tentavit ; delatusque per occiduas insulæ 
oras tandem in Cornubiam venit. Illi vero incolæ 
falsis illius suggestionibus decepti regis Eduardi Quarti 
natu minorem filium crediderunt, illique tenaciter adhe- 
serunt. 





1 A blank here in the MS. | 2 A blank in the MS. for the 
. 


VITA HENRICI VII. 71 


A.D. 1497. 
De secundu Pirquini invasione. 


Serenissimus rex noster audito nebulonis adventu 
subridens, “ Et ecce iterum ab isto nebulonum principe 
tentamur,” ait. “Ite, igitur; et ne meorum per igno- 
rantiam subditorum strages aliqua accidat, Pirquinum 
blandis experiamur habere modis.” Cornubii autem Besieges 
unacum papilione suo Exoniæ! portis ferro ignibusque Éxeter ; 
insultabant ; comes autem Davoniæ pro viribus re- 
sistebat, Rex vero copias miserat, ut non in nebu- 
lonem pugnarent, sed’ ut patriam populumque a malis 
defenderent. Reliqua hujus invasionis quia memoria 
non teneo, donec pleniore hujus rei scientia instruar, 
campo hic quoque relicto supersedeo.? 

* * * * e + 
* * + + * * 


Pirquini deditio. 


Rebus itaque suis jam diflidens ganeo ille prædictus, Despairs; 
vidensque [se*] regis nostri potentiæ refragari non posse, 
neque regiis elabi manibus, animo imbelli effeminatoque 
totus tremore correptus ac viribus destitutus, ita suos 
alloquitur : 


Pirquint vecordia. 


“ Videtis, commilitones mei, Dei maximi potentiam 
nostris contra stare conatibus. Videtis Henrici regum 


A <q 


1 Oxonie, MS. but corrected in 2 About half a page is left blank 
a different hand. after these words. 
* Not in MS. 


72 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1497. victoriosissimi virtutem et gratiam cum Dei voluntate 


Confesses 
his impos- 
ture ; 


And flies 
to sanc- 
tuary. 


ita conjunctam, ut adversus illum omnes vires nostræ 
casse prorsus ac nullæ debilitentur et concidant. 
Videtis præterea rerum omnium egestatem atque in- 
opiam nostram, et, ut verius dicam, miseriam. Nam- 
que, ut vobis nunc verum fatear, quamvis in hunc 
diem stipendia vobis dare distulerim, profecto nihil mihi 
relictum est, nec nummus quidem; atque haud scio 
unde habeam aut quid de me faciam. Ita me formido 
et conscientiæ timor expugnant ; quippe ut aperta 
veritatis luce consilium meum quod hactenus vos celavi 
aperiam. Certe quem me vobis esse dixeram Eduardi 
filius non sum, neque tali tantaque prosapia dignus. 
Et quicquid olim signorum aut temporum vobis callidus 
retuli; totum illud quum parvulus Eduardi quondam 
Judæi ac antememorati regis Eduardi filioli in Anglia 
servulus eram, memoriter retinui: erat enim ille 
patronus meus regi Eduardo ac suis liberis familia- 
rissimus. Quare jam mihi parcite, queso, et pro vita 
vestra viriliter agite. Ego enim quo me vertam quove 
fugiam nescio. Tamen utcunque erit mansuetissimo regi 
priusquam peream dedere me certum est.” His in hunc 
modum ignavia atque socordia cum lachrymis ad suos 
expositis in Belli Loci’ sanctuarium misellus effugiens 
se recepit. Postea vero a pientissimo rege vite 
veniam postulavit, qua illum rex quoque donavit 
clementissimus. 

Tremebundus adducitur, joculariterque ab ipsis regiis 
servitoribus sugillatus exsibilatusque ridiculum caput 
miris modis objurgatus est. Interea jussu regio uxor 
ejus nobilis, quæ apud Divi Michaelis montem relicta 
fuerat, honorifice propter ejus nobilitatem adducta est. 
Qualia vero modestissimus rex noster illi primitus 
indignissimo gerrioni verba fecerit narrare mihi est 


— =e ee ee 


1 Beaulieu in Hampshire. © 


VITA HENRICI VII. | 73 


perdifficile, quandoquidem singulari ea colloquio geste AD. 1497. 
fuere; tum quia ingenioli mei parvitas tot sapien- 
tissimi regis non capit prudentissimas rationes. Verum 

hoc unum scio, ipsum regem tantis per illum ilustrium 
virorum mmortibus illatis maxime condoluisse. Ille 
videns regis benignitatem suæ jam vite securus, 
audacter totius vitæ atque audaciæ tenorem ac seriem 
explicavit, tam postea ut in publicum ad improborum 
terrorem exiret, litterarum monumentis rex imprimi 
demandavit.! Post deinde conjunx illius modesto ve- His con- 
nustoque vultu egregia forma atque state integra in (ited. 
regium conspectum magno cum rubore et abortis 
lacrymis producta est. Cui rex benignissimus huma- 
nissimo sic protulit ore : 


Regis ad illum orutiv. 


“ Doleo equidem, illustris domina, et mecum The king 
ægerrime fero, post tot meorum subditorum cladem consoles 
Perkin’s 
vos à tali homuncione fuisse delusam. Nam sanguinis wife. 
vestri nobilitas, morum ac totius corporis præstantia, 
forma, et dignitas, alium longe præstantiorem virum 
expostulabant. Sed quia Deo ita placuit ut perfidia et 
improbitate istius nebulonis ad hunc miserum statum 
perveniretis æquo vos animo perferre ac pati oportet; 
cæterum quia tempus hoc pluribus non indiget, vos 
equidem hortor et moneo ut casum vestrum æquani- 
miter toleretis. Polliceor autem hoc regia fide præ- 
stantiæ vestræ quod postquam Deo volente huc 
accessistis, non aliter quam propriam sororem me vos 
pertracturum ; utque honestius posthac securiusque 
maneatis, ad serenissimam regiam conjugem meam 
carissimam vos cum honore ac bonis comitibus mittere 


— = 


1 Pirquini vita imprimitur. MS., margin. 


" 74 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1497. decrevimus. Hune autem maritum vestrum nobiscum 


adhuc, certas ob causas ab eodem intelligendas, retine- 
bimus.” His dictis illam lacrymarum fonte ma- 
dentem, quia semper humi genibus se prostrabat, stare 
rex jussit, maritumque suum sibi qus regi dixerat 
eadem referre præcepit. Ille partim timore partim ve- 
recundia aliquandiu heesitans, tandem non illum quem 
se esse dixerat aperte fateri, veniam orare, sibi male 
fuisse consultum, dolere propter illius abductionem, 
regem ipsum orare ut illam ad suos remitteret. Qu 
postquam explevit omnia ipsa ejulatu sublato gemc- 
bunda in hæc verba prorupit : 


Illius uxoris responsio. 


“ Postquam me, O perfidissime hominum, tuis falsis 
narrationibus seducere volebas, quare me a patriis 
laribus, domo, parentibus et amicis in hostiles manus 
abduxisti? O me miseram! Quantos hic dies luctus, 
quantasve clarissimis parentibus meis solicitudines 
dabit! O utinam ad oras nunquam advenisses nos- 
tras! Me miseram! Quid jam amplius nisi mortem 
perdita pudicitia expectam non video. Hei mihi! Cur 
non habeo ex parentibus meis hic aliquem qui de te 
supplicium sumeret? Scelestissime, hæccine sunt illa 
quæ nobis sceptra promittebas? Sceleratissime, hiccine 
est ille regius honos quo genus nostrum decoratum iri 
jactabas ? Equidem hic ignota egens atque inops, quid 
sperem? in quo confidam? de quo dolorem meum 
leniam? Aliud videtur prorsus nihil nisi quod rex 
iste potentissimus clementissimusque se me non deser- 
turum! promisit. Cujus ego regiæ promissioni omnem 
fidem, spem, ac salutem meam reposui Plura dicerem, 
sed verba vis doloris ac lachrymarum reprimit.” Post 


‘ deserturam, MS. 


VITA HENRICI VIL 75 


hæc sapientissimus rex utrique, illi ad culpam, huic in 4D. 1497. 
consultationem, pro sua singulari prudentia verba senda her to 
faciens, ad reginam, ut constituerat, illam destinavit. his queen. 
Quæ paulum remorata virum propter conjugalem in 
Christo fidem ægriuscule reliquit. _Hujus autem duc- 

tores fuere N + *! viri sane 

et fide et probitate præstantes. Regina vero tunc 

apud Richemondiam audiendi de regiis successibus 
cupiens molestissime residebat. Acta sunt autem hæc 

Le + * * *1 quo quidem tempore 
Oxonize* rex in illos qui conspiraverant animadvertens 

cunctos ad se duci jussit ; quos ex alto sic allocutus est: 


Regis ad Cornubios oratio. 


“ Gravi ac molesto gerimus animo, viri Cornubienses, 
nequitiæ et improbitatis vestræ contra nos injuriam: 
quamquidem, teste Deo, inviti ad puniendum hodie 
processimus. Sed quia legibus nostris parere com- 
pellimur, ad malorum formidinem et bonorum exem- 
plum, vos qui tam faciles ad malum animos habuistis, 
quique sine ullo aut Dei aut nostro timore homini 
levissimo auxiliaria arma dedistis, neque cujusquam 
a nobis destinati admonitione cessastis, dignas meritis 
vestris pœnas rependere justum est. Residuos vero, The Cor- 
qui partira errore, partim vestra in nos suggestione pardoned, 
deliquerunt vita donamus.” His breviter ab ipso ree de, except the 
pronunciatis omnes ferme qui circiter * ® 
* $ od #3 vita donati fuerant, inter 
se vincti clamore cum gemitu sublato, regi maximas 
gratias agitabant. 


—_—- eee RS ARR ee ee we 


1A blank left for the names, * Blank in MS, 
? An error for ‘ Exoniæ.” 


me ee me ee ee i + ee manne 





BERNARDI ANDREA THOLOSATIS 


ANNALES HENRICI SEPTIMI. 


A.D. 
1504-5. 


80 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


regiam vitam tuam preclarius illustrabunt. Ego vero 
affectioni potius tuæ sane benignitati haud incog- 
nitæ quam historiæ narrationi quotannis inservio, ser- 
viamque dum spiritus hos reget artus. Interea vive, 
valeque serenissime princeps, sene longzevior Pylio. 





A.D. 
1504-5. 


A relic of 
St. George 
the Martyr 


sent to 


Henry VII. 


82 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


tui commoditatem, amplitudinem et augmentum spec- 
tare prospexisti, curasti, meministi, effecisti, et quidem 
impigre. Legimus quosdam principes bello præstantes, 
eosdem tamen in pacis artibus defecisse; aliis quibus- 
dam acritatem ingenii, aliis prudentiam, aliis eloquen- 
tiam defuisse: tibi autem uni mirabili felicique con- 
cursu cuncta que laudari merentur ita conveniunt, ut 
ipsa inter sese’ de dignitate certasse videantur. Idem 
in bello fortissimus, idem in pace clementissimus ; 
nec facile quis dixerit utrum in bello potentior aut in 
pace benignior. Sed de hoc hactenus; quandoquidem 
hujus monet tractatio ejusque legis auctio et detri- 
mentum sive diminutio in acta publica relata magis 
re ipsa quam verbis patet. Quare ad reliquarum rerum 
memorandarum seriem jam transeamus. 


L À 


Reverendissimi domini, domini Georgii de Ambasia 
Cardinalis Rothomagensis munus eximium. 


Quid huic pecuniæ reformationi memoratu dignius 
adjungam quam munus illud egregium prestantis- 
simi ac generosissimi domini, domini Georgii de 
Ambasia cardinalis Rothomagensis, quale nunquam 
ullis retro Angliæ regibus collatum extitit. Is? enim 
anno serenissimi regis nostri regni vicesimo paulo ante 
memorato inclyti martyris divi Georgii alterum ex cruri- 
bus, preciosissimum siquidem sui corporis reliquiarum 
donum, summa cum veneratione ad Christianissimum 
regem nostrum destinavit. Quod quidem amplissimum 
(ut ita loquar) jocale quanta cum reverentia atque 
devotione rex noster acceperit testis est tota Anglia : 
nimirum cui potius quam huic regi legatus ille tam 
sanctam reliquiam mitteret non invenio; nam et sancti- 


' intercesse, MS. 3 His, MS. 


ANNALES HENRICI VIL 83 


monia vitæ et morum integritate omnium una eadem- SD. 
que sententia reliquis præstat regibus. 5048. 


Emanuel Lusitaniæ Rex quid. 


Accedit huic quoque gloriæ altera præstantissima 
laus, potentissimi Lusitaniæ regis Emanuelis antehac 
inaudita mansuetudo, singularis humanitas, incredibilis 
et pene divina erga benignissimum regem nostrum 
humilitas; qui cum reliquos ætatis nostræ principes 
mente animoque penetrasset, et singulorum virtutes, 
laudes, præconia, secum memoria revocasset, nullus 
tandem ei in hoc orbe visus est Henrico Septimo rege 
nostro faustissimo comparandus. Is enim et animi et Embassy 
corporis ac rerum externarum amplissima laude et manuel 
gloria pollens est. Quare ad hunc dignissimam lega- ‘ing eal 
tionem anno præscripto mittens, eum summa cum 
humilitate rogavit, ut quoniam illi virtute parem 
sapientiaque videbat neminem, dignaretur sua regia 
benignitas et clementia se antememoratum regem in 
filium accipere. Et quia idem rex in ecclesiæ hostes 
bella movere indies non cessat, nostro victoriosissimo 
regi humiliter supplicavit quatenus bellis summam 
penes ! se reciperet; quo quidem ductore atque impe- 
ratore Christiani exercitus credit fore ut brevi tot 
infidelium manus fidei nostræ colla subjicient. 


Flandriæ commeatus. 


Quid dicam de commeatu illo Flandriæ sapienti Commer 
consilio intermisso, cujus rei gratia semel et jam course with 
secundo nobilis ad regem nostrum legatio venit ? Flanders. 


| pene, MS. 
F 2 


A.D. 
1504-5. 


Embassy 
to Pope 
Julius II. 


84 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


Quanta prudentia, quanta sagacitate, quantove consilio 
suze reipublicæ prudentissimus rex noster prospexit | 
Quod nulli antea hujus regni principes præstare po- 
tuerunt, quominus nundinæ apud illos in suos usus 
quotannis observarentur, hic unus rex effecit, ut Calisii 
forum ejusmodi non suis tantum sed cunctis nationi- 
bus pateret. O immensam tanti regis prudentiam ! 
O eximiam in subditos benevolentiam! O maximam 
denique in omnes exteras gentes mansuetudinem; qui 
tot commoda, tot libertates, tantaque preesidia, suopte 
ingenio comparavit! Enimvero illustrissimi regis Cas- 
tellæ Philippi pace ac venia dixerim tot retro impera- 
tores, tot duces, tot principes, suis populis nunquam 
talia procurarunt. Nec Marcellos, nec Curiones, nec 
Fabios, nec Cæsares, nec Alexandros, quamvis multa 
pro suis gesserint, huic nostro conferam. Hic enim 
solus regni sui, solis pacis artibus, sine gladio sive san- 
guine, tanta emolumenta paravit, ut merito pater patriæ 
a cunctis ac rex pacificus totum per orbem nominetur. 


Regia legatio. 


Hoc in loco, sic enim ordo rerum expostulat, egre- 
giam legationem quam rex noster ad Julium Secundum 
Romanum pontificem misit, subtexere consilium fuit. 
Hujus autem princeps legationis extitit reverendus 
abbas Glastoniensis ; ejus autem college fuere magister 
Robertus Cherbonne, tunc divi Pauli decanus, nunc 
vero Menevensis episcopus, litteris et humanitate præ- 
clarus (qui summa cum omnium laude coram Romano 
pontifice orationem ut fertur habuit elegantissimam), et 
strenuissimus miles auratus dominus Gilbertus Talebot. 
Et hic, dum summus pontifex sacrum de more faceret, 
ditissimum illius amictum tegmenque ornatissimum 
cunctis coram populis honorifice bajulavit ; quæ res non 


ANNALES HENRICI VII. 85 


nisi a maximo principe fieri consuevit Et hi tres A.D. 
novello tunc pontifici Romano ex parte regis gratu- 1504-5. 
latum accesserant. Quos prædictus pontifex magna 

cum humanitate recepit, Jussitque eos maximis honori- 

bus et amplissimis omnifariæ opulentiæ conviviis fes- 

tivari Qui cum aliquot diebus per sacrosancta loca 

clara comitante caterva deambulassent, cumulatissimis 
donatos muneribus et gratiis summus eosdem pontifex 
humanissime dimisit. Illi vero ad patrios læti penates 
honorificentissime reversi sunt. 


Romanorwm dona pontificum. 


Pia in Deum caritas et in sanctam ecclesiam devotio, Papal gifts 
virtutis amor et honoris Dei zelatio, pietas in pauperes, VIL 7 
compassio erga hospites et externos, omnium denique 
piorum operum religio et Dei cultus modestissimi ejus- 
demque sapientissimi regis nostri Henrici Septimi, fece- 
runt ut a sacrosanctæ Romanæ ecclesiæ supremis pon- 
tificibus, Innocentio videlicet Octavo et Alexandro 
[Sexto]', tum demum Julio Secundo  clarissimis 
opulentissimisque Christianæ fidei insigniis, pileo vide- 
licet et gladio nostræ religionis in protectionem tuitio- 
nemque totius ecclesiæ militantis idem rex donaretur. 
Neque id injuria; nam cum plerosque alios principes 
bonos ac veros Dei cultores ecclesia nostra habeat qui 
alioquin integritate vite et morum probitate refulgent, 
nullum tamen ex illis premiatos muneribus audivimus. 

Et quis est, quæso, qui a vite sus primordio et per 
reliquas deinceps states tam celebri fama, tanta vir- 
tutum gloria, tantoque rerum omnium successu ut hic 
rex noster efulserit? Profecto quosdem historis me- 


1 Blank in MS. 


A.D. 
1504-5. 


86 BERNARDI ANDRES 


morant superioribus sæculis ab uno duntaxat pontifice 
tali semel tantum munere decoratos; at nostrum hunc 
trinus pileus ternusque fidei gladius jam nunc exornat. 
Prætereo celeberrimos et eosdem prudentissimos horum 
insigniorum gestores legatosque dignissimos ; quos 
omnes mea quidem sententia, censu, sanguine, gratia, 
decore, virtute, probitate, fide, reverendus in Christo 
pater et dominus, Dominus Silvester de Liliis divina 
regiaque volente gratia Vigorniensis episcopus exsu- 
perat. Qui beatissimi Christi Genitricis natali salutifero 
apud Richemondiam, quanta illustrium procerum cir- 
cumcurrentiumque ad tam rarum et prius invisum 
spectaculum frequentia populorum, quantave ccelestis 
ordinis atque militiæ argutissimorum virorum modu- 
landi peritia, canore suavissimo in occursum illi per- 
inde ac! Salvatori nostro Hebræorum populorum hinc 
inde properantium, verbis explicari non potest. Pos- 
tremo ubi tot nobilium gloriosa cohors psallentibus 
organis in regium pervenit sacellum, adfuit inibi pien- 
tissimus rex noster aureo residens solio, tota heroum 
stipante caterva. Ad cujus splendidissimam majes- 
tatem auro gemmisque fulgentem, idem pontifex bysso 
ostro auroque conspicuus luculentissimam ornatissimam- 
que orationem facundissimo placidissimoque  pectore 
dixit. Postubi Romani pontificis mandata insigniaque 
protulit eximia Christianissimus rex modestissimo 
gratias illi devotas ore retulit. Tunc modulatissimis 
angelicisque vocibus Deo laude gratulationeque reddita 
idem episcopus singulari modestia piaque devotione 
rem divinam exorsus est. Posthæc concione ad po- 
pulum super tantorum insignium dignitate atque pre- 
stantia non minus divine quam eleganter pronunciata 
absolutis sacris solennibus rex ingenti comitatus pri- 
matum procerumque turma ad regales dapes incessit. 


l'hac, MS. 





A.D. 
(1504-5. 


Henry 
VIL's me- 
diation 
between 
Lewis XII, 
and Fer- 
dinand of 


Spain. 


88 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


non tam humanis quam divinis favoribus voluit illus- 
trare. Et de hac re satis; nam totus eum mundus 
tanquam alterum Octavium, pacis amatorem, regum 
omnium tutorem ac defensorem una eademque voce 
appellat, ut merito prima corona regum qui jam aliis 
erunt in annis sine controversia rex pacificus nominari 


debeat. 


Pacis conservator quis. 


Possem multa quidem alia memoria digna in hoc 
profunctorio orationis cursu præscripto acta in anno 
repetere. Sed, ut ante memoravi, instructionis ‘mihi 
non fuit copia. Addo propter pestiferam tabem ab 
urbe meam aliquandiu absentiam. Quamobrem ad 
omnium rerum luculentam notitiam pervenire non potui. 
Sed novissimo huic loco spero equidem me tantam tam- 
que insignem rem gestam astruere que gravissimorum 
hominum judicio instar omnium erit. Dicturus enim 
sum de illo concordi fœdere duorum magnanimorum 
regum, Christianissimi, videlicet, Ludovici regis Duo- 
decimi Francis, et Ferdinandi Hispaniæ regis poten- 
tissimi; de amicitia, inquam, provida' sapientia regis 
nostri stabilita, qui nisi officiosas inter illos partes 
egisset, dubio procul in belli furias longe crudelissimas 
uterque incidisset. Verum prudentissimus rex, cruentas 
hominum cædes detestans, tot antea clades non multis 
ante annis tam Neapoli quam Saulcis? perpetratas 
miseratus, in viam pacis et concordiz, non sine magna 
difficultate, illos reduxit, usque adeo ut Salomon ille 
pacis conservator, tutor, atque protector, ab his jam 
memoratis regibus sæpe rogatus nuncupetur. Nec alio 


' provali, MS. then belonging to Spain, besieged 
Salces near Perpignan, a fortress | by the French in 1508. 








ANNALES HENRICI VII. 91 


nam in prosperis amici omnes videntur. Sed ut [in] 
adversis amici patientia et tolerantia necessaria est, sic 
in prosperis auctoritas congrua est ut insolentiam extol- 
lentis se amici reprimat et redarguat. Quam pulchre in 
adversis positus Job dixit, ‘ Miseremini mei, amici, 
miseremini’ Non quasi abjecta vox, vox ista est, sed 
quasi censoria Nam cum injuste arguitur ab amicis 
respondet, ‘Miseremini mei, amici;’ hoc est, qui miseri- 
cordiam debetis facere. Opprimitis autem vos et impug- 
natis hominem cujus ærumnis compati pro amicitia vos 
oportebat. 

“Dominus ipse cum a tribus regibus offensus esset 
qui sancto Job non detulissent, ignoscere his per 
amicum maluit, ut amicitiæ suffragium remissio fieret ! 
peccatorum. Itaque rogavit Job et Dominus ignovit. 
Profuit illis amicitia quibus obfuit insolentia. 

“Hic [est] amicitiz fructus non ut fides propter 
amicitiam deseratur. Non potest* enim homini amicus 
esse qui Deo fuerit infidus. Pietatis custos amicitia 
est et æqualitas magistra ut superior inferiori se exhi- 
beat æqualem, inferior superiori: inter dispares enim 
mores non potest esse amicitia. Quid est enim amicitia 
nisi consors amoris ad quem animum tuum adjungas 
atque applices, et ita misceas ut unum velis fieri ex 
duobus ; cui te tanquam alteri sibi committas; a quo 
nihil timeas, nihil ipse commodi tui causa inhonestum 
petas? Non enim vectigalis amicitia est, sed plena 
decoris, plena gratiæ. Virtus est enim amicitia, non 
quæstus ; quia non pecunia paratur, sed gratia; nec 
licitatione pretiorum sed concertatione benevolentiz. 

‘“ Denique meliores amicitiæ sunt inopum plerumque 
quam divitum ; et frequenter divites sine amicis sunt, 
quibus abundant pauperes. Non est enim vera amicitia 
ubi est fallax adulatio. Divitibus itaque plerique 





1 fleret in MS. * propter in MS. 


A.D. 
1504-5. 


1504-5, 


92 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


assentatorie gratificantur ; erga pauperem nemo simu- 
lator est. Verum est, quicquid deferatur pauperi hujus 
amicitia invidia vacat. 

“ Quid amicitia pretiosius, que angelis communisque 
hominibus est? Unde Dominus Jesus dicit,. ‘ Facite 
vobis amicos de iniquo mammona, qui recipiant vos in 
æterna tabernacula sua.’ Ipse nos Deus amicos ex 
servulis facit, sicut ipse ait, ‘Jam vos amici mei estis si 
feceritis quæ ego præcipio vobis.’ Dedit formam 
amicitiæ quam sequamur.' ‘Ideo,’ inquit, ‘vos dixi 
amicos; omnia quæcunque audivi a Patre meo nota 
feci vobis. Nihil ergo occultat amicus, si verus est ; 
effundit animum suum, sicut effundebat mysteria Patris 
Dominus Jesus. 

“Ergo qui facit mandatum Dei amicus est [et] hoc 
honoratur nomine. Qui est unanimis, ipse amicus est ; 
quia unitas animorum in amicis sit; [neque] quisquam 
detestabilior quam qui amicitiam leserit: unde in pro- 
ditorem Dominus ‘hoc gravissimum invenit quo ejus 
condemnaret perfidiam, quod gratiæ vicem non repræ- 
sentaverit et conviviis amicitiæ venenum malitiæ mis- 
cuerit. Itaque sic ait: ‘Tu vero homo unanimus meus’ 
et dux meus et notus meus qui semper mecum dulces 
capiebas cibos!’ Hoc est, non potest sustineri istud 
quia unanimus impetisti eum qui tibi donaverat gra- 
tiam. ‘Nam si inimicus meus maledixisset mihi susti- 
nuissem utique; et ab eo qui me oderat abscondeam 
me.’ Inimicus vitari potest, amicus non potest, si insi- 
diari velit. Illum cavemus cui non committimus consilia 
nostra: hunc cavere non possumus cui commisimus. 
Itaque ad acervandam’ peccati invidiam non dixit, ‘Tu 
vero servus meus, apostolus meus,’ sed ‘ unanimus 
meus,’ hoc est, non meus sed etiam tuus proditor es quia 
unanimum prodidisti.” 


1 sequimur, MS. 3 cernendam, MS. 


ANNALES HENRICI VII. 93 


Si velint igitur tales perfidos abjicere, principes 
fideles habeant familiares opus est. Fideles autem 
justi sunt. “ Fundamentum ergo est justitiæ fides; 
justorum enim corda meditantur fidem. Et qui [se] 
justus accusat, justitiam supra fidem collocat. Nam 
tunc justitia ejus apparet si vera fateatur. Denique 
Dominus per Isaiam, ‘Ecce,’ inquit, ‘mitto lapidem in 
fundamentum Syon,’ id est, Christum in fundamentum 
ecclesiæ. Fides enim omnium Christus. Ecclesia quædam 
Justitiæ forma est, commune jus omnium. In commune 
orat, in commune operatur, in commune tentatur.” Illa 
vero pacem amat; unde rogate quæ ad pacem sunt. 
Pax autem et concordia, unitas inter homines super om- 
nia alia opera Deo placet ; in cujus signum omnia ani- 
malia preter hominem fecit duplicia, id est, marem et 
foeminam, hominem vero unum ut bonum unitatis pacis 
et concordiæ commendaret (Genesis 2°). Quamvis 
David esset sanctus, noluit tamen Deus ut edificaret ei 
domum, quia fuit David bellicosus; sed Salomon, qui 
interpretatur Pacificus, ut ostenderet pacificorum sola 
accepta sacrificia reputari, templum Deo construxit 
(Secundo Regum, iv°, v°, vi). “Deus corda diligit 
pacifica, et in eis habitat.” In cujus rei figuram 
ostensum est Helyæ quod Dominus non erat in commo- 
tione, nec in grandi vento alias grandfneto, sed in sibilo 
aëris tenui, id est, in loco pacifico. (Tertii Regum, xix°.) 
Quod autem Deus pacem diligat vel ex hoc patet quia in 
ejus nativitate angeli pacem nuntiaverunt (Luce 11°); et 
pacem præcepit discipulis inter se habere (Matthe 12°) ; 
pacem apostolis præcepit preedicare (Luce 2°); pacem 
pro testamento reliquit, dicens, ‘Pacem meam do vobis, 
pacem relinquo vobis’ (Johannis xiv’). Denique post 
resurrectionem suam discipulis suis nunciavit pacem, 
dicens, ‘ Pax vobis,’ (Lucæ axiv® et Johannis 22°). 

Hanc itaque pacem rex noster servavit. Nec mirum. 
Primus enim officii fons prudentia est. Quid enim 
tam plenum officii uam deferre auctori studium atque 


A.D. 
1504-5, 


A.D. 
1504-5, 


94 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


reverentiam? Qui tamen fons et in virtutes derivatur 
ceeteras ; neque enim potest justitia sine prudentia esse, 
cum examinare quid justum, quidve injustum, quid pax, 
quid bellum, sit non mediocris prudentiæ. Summus in 
utroque error ; enim qui bellum paci præfert injustus, 
qui vero pacem bello anteponit, justus est. Pacis enim 
amor Deus est, quem supplex oro ut pacificum Salomo- 
nem nostrum diu in terris incolumem custodiat et post 
hujus vite cursum ad se Deum pacis et dilectionis 
vocatum cum sanctis in cœlo coronet. Amen. 


Lavp[etur} Devs. 


ANNALES HENRICI VIL 95 


ANNUS VICESIMUS TERTIUS. 


A la bonne grace du Roy. 


A celluy qui est tout mon confort 
Et apres Dieu seulle esperance 

Je doiz avoir ma confidence 

Et mon espoir jusquez a la mort. 


Mon trescher sire, puisque n’ay nul en court 
Qui envers vous face ma remonstrance 


A celluy, 


Ma hardiesse pource vers vous accourt, 

En suppliant que aiez souvenance 

En secourant & ma povre indigence 

Et pardonner car j’ay tout mon...... 1 
A celluy. 


Rex pacificus exaltatus est [super]! omnes Reges 
universe te[rræ].! 


Chançon faicte en l'honneur 
de Madame Marie. 
Reveillez vous cueurs endormis 
Qui des Angloiz estes amys, 
Chantons Ave Maria. 


La Thoison d'Or et le pourpris 
Des chasteaulx, aigles, et des litz 
Joyra dame Maria. 
Reveillez vous, &c. 


Paper gone in these places of the MS. 


96. BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


Marie fille du vray litz. 
Henry Septiesme Roi de pris 
Prince sur tous les princes, 
Reveillez vous, &c. 


Delyvrera de grans enmys, 
Tout Flandres de ses ennemys, 
Remontant les eglises. | 

Reveillez vous, &c. 


[Re]joissez vous je vous diz 

[Chant]ez Bourguynons tous uniz 

[A ce] hault [mariage]. 
[Reveillez] vous, [éc.]' 


Car dicy a mille foiz dix 
Ne fera ny fut au pais 
Tel paix, tel lignaige. 
Reveillez vous, &c. 


Nous pryerons, grans et petis, 
Que les roys soient tous bons amys, 
Et paix par tout le monde. 
Reveillez vous, &c. 


Et que en la fin en paradis 

Noel chantons tous resjouyz 

De voix et de cueur monde. 
Reveillez vous, dc. 


Septimus Henricus Rex noster vivat in . ...... 


1 The portions of this stanza here | this poem has been already printed. 
printed within brackets are now lost | At the date of that publication 
by the wearing away of the MS. | (1824) the text appears to have 
They are supplied from Ellis’ Letters, | been entire. 

First Series, vol. i., p. 120., where 


ANNALES HENRICI VII. 97 


AD INVICTISSIMUM SAPIENTISSIMUMQUE REGUM HENRI- 
CUM SEPTIMUM IN VICESIMUM TERTIUM FELICISSIMI 
REGNI SUI ANNALEM BERNARDI ANDREÆ THOLO- 
SATIS PREFATIO. 


Non cessat mea tecum nec cessabit dum vivo obser- Preface. 
vantia ; non silebit affectio neque tacebit tus majes- 
tati mea haud ignota fides. Tu vero, regum pruden- 
tissime, qui tuos nôsti, qua fide, quo animo, qua demum 
affectione tibi serviant, cura de me ut velis. Equidem 
vicesimus tertius annus est ex quo tuæ regis majes- 
tati sedulus inservio. Audio de multis quos tua regia 
benignitas quotidie magnis donat honoribus ; ego vero 
omnium novissimus ac minimus. In te, domine, 
speravi: memor esto verbi tui servo tuo in quo mihi 
spem dedisti Accipe igitur annalem hunc quoque 
precor, placido, ut omnia soles, vultu, meque tuorum 
per totius anni circulum immortalium gestorum me- 
morem tandem aliquando respicias, humillime efflagito. 

Vale, rex pacifice, qui exaltatus es hodie super 
omnes reges universe terre. Vale, inquam, sanus 
perdiu longævusque. 


ANNUS VICESIMUS TERTIUS. 


Vicesimo tertio anno felicissimi regni Angliæ regis A.D. 1507. 
Henrici Septimi, [dominus Willielmus Broune’] urbanus August. 
prætor, dominus Willielmus Butler et Johannes 
Kyrkeby [duumviri*] creati sunt. A vigilia autem 
divi Bartholomei,> ut ante in superioribus annis 
duximus, invictissimi regis nostri res gestas ordientes, 
primum regis Romanorum oratorum adventum, ad 
urbem primum, inde ad Silvam Cæduam‘ dominica dicto 
festo proxima taxavimus. Nec præterire nobis licet 
quorundam prædonum Britannicum mare infestantium 
improbitatem, quorum dux ferebatur dominus De la 
Palice, rapinam in mercatores, et præsertim in Teutones 
grassantium,° quos Rex Francus in exilium miserat, 
quorum incursu sæpe inter amicissimos principes dis- 
cordia intercedit. Mercatores autem Angli, et maxime 
vinetores, qui quotannis ut fit Burdegalam pergunt, 
super hujusmodi piratas regis consulendi gratia sunt 
profecti. Interea bellorum fragor inter Maximilianum 
et Lodowicum Francum regem de imperio pululabat. 
Orator autem Francie prædictus apud Wodstok et 
Alemanniæ. Rex non° omnigenarum ibidem ferarum 


grr ee ee - -- ce ome ee a ee 


1 The mayor's name being omitted 3 August 23. 
in the MS. is here supplied from 4 Woodstock. 
Fabyan's Chronicle. 

3 This word omitted in the text. co: 
In a marginal note, however, we Sic, perhaps an error for 
read “pretor et duumviri.” RIM. 


® crassantium, MS. 


a 2 


A.D. 1507. 
August. 


Beptembher. 


October. 


100 DERNARDI ANDREÆ 


venatus stragesque multis diebus præbuit. Quibus 
breviter expeditis, Septembris initio ad sua rediere. 
Inter hosce dies Turcarum maximi mors et reveren- 
dissimi domini Eboracensis divulgata est; Lovanium 
præterea a Gallis obsederi tentatum. Nona Septembris 
ex Cædua Silva rex movit apud Langle. Atque ubi ali- 
quandiu ilJic remoratus est Londinum versus propius 
accessit, venitque ad alia loca utpote Hawking,’ deinde 
ad quasdam alias novas mansiones quas circa urbem 


-comparavit. Tum demum ex Anthonæ Curia Riche- 


Maximi- 
lian in 
Italy, 


mondiam in festo Omnium Sanctorum? revisit. Per ali- 
quot autem ante dies dominus Privati Sigilli,> dominus 
Thesaurariust dominus Sancti Johannis® et doctor 
West Caletum profecti sunt cum Flandriæ legatis 
communicandi gratia. Cujus legationis primarius, domi- 
nus de Bergis, et alii complures magno cum equitatu 
[ad numerum *] ducentorum, ut ferebatur, ad prædictam 
villam pervenerunt. 

Interim rumor magis magisque Maximiliani exercitus 
augebatur in Italiam pergentis; quod ubi Rex 
Gallus compertum habuit, suam ipse propere expe- 
ditionem Mediolanum versus destinavit. Hoc autem 
mense Octobris hincinde varii ex variis principibus ad 
regem nostrum venere nuncii. FPrætereo opulentissi- 
mum prætoris urbani in crastinum Simonis et Judæ? 
pro antiqua consuetudine concelebratum convivium. 
Nec commemoro marchionem® et dominum Guillelmum 
Devoniæ® per id tempus Calisium fuisse transvectos. 
Ultima vero Octobris Dominica qua vidi dominum 
historia fuit inchoata  Reverendus præsul Londoniæ 
ad crucem Sancti Pauli saluberrimam toti regno 
habuit concionem. 





1 Woking. * Not in MS. 

? Nov. 1. 7 Oct. 29. 

2 Richard Fox, bishop of Win- 8 The marquis of Dorset. 
chester. ® Lord William Courtcnay, son 


4 Thomas, earl of Surrey. of the earl of Devon. 


s Thomas Docwra. 





ANNALES HENRICI VII. 41101 


Undecima vero Novembris Westmonasterii ‘rex &.D. 1507. 
appulit Per hos dies Gallos qui suppetias Geldrig ‘Noyember, 
tulerant circiter mille trucidatos aiebant. Nec multis 3 Slpgagter 
post diebus quidam eleemosinarius regis Francis, in erent 
Scotia Rossensis episcopus, jactatusventis hic appulit. DE 
Divi autem Clementis festo! Richemondiam ex Occiduo CE 
Monasterio rex adiit. De Cardinali autem Adriano 
qui acta jam estate ex urbe Roma aufugerat, cui 
rex infensus erat, iterum hoc in mense de altera 
fuga rumor hic erat non vulgaris. Similiter de rege 
Romanorum in Italiam cum ingenti exercitus apparatu 
passim ferebatur, Fuere isti paulo ante dies gelati 
nivales et frigidi Rex autem ex Richemondia rediit 
Westmonasterium dive Katherinæ die? post nonam cir- 
citer horam quintam. Fuere autem nocte sabbati Ad- 
ventus et mane ejusdem Dominice’® nimborum flamina 
stridentissima. 

In die autem beats Barbaræ‘ ad meridiem grandi- December. 
navit et tonuit. Vespera autem divi Nicholai® vento- 
rum prelia per totam noctem fuere vehementissima. 

Cujus die rex post prandium Richemondiam rediit. 
Quinta vero Decembris obiit dominus Franciscus Mar- 
sam, vir profecto et morum probitate et probatissima 
erga regem fide; quem Ferdinandus Aragonum rex 
cingulo militari donarat. Tumulatus Cruciferorum. . 
Cujus animes misereatur Deus. Septima Decembris A present 
ex Francia dominus Mathzeus Baker reversus est, stur- France to 
conemque® egregium cum suo sessori dono ad regem the King. 
nostrum advexit. Ipse vero quadringentorum torque 
aureorum et Windesor caducifer” centum aureis a rege 


ee a a i me mn ew ee mme nee oe 


\ Nov. 23. a marginal note “ E Francia equus 

# Nov. 25 egregius ” is faintly legible. 

ON oF 1 Thomas Benoilt, afterwards 
Nov. 27, 28. Clarencieux King of Arms, appears 

* Dec. 4. to have been Windsor herald at this 

+ Dec. 6. time. MS. Collections of Anat, 


© Sturconem pro asturconem. In | Herald's College. 


Great 
slaughter 
of the 
Turks. 


Treaty for 
the mar- 
riage of the 
Princess 
Mary. 


domino Johanne Emannuel qui superiori anno totum 
pene regnum illud turbarat in gratiam recepto, perlates 
sunt. Tertiadecima ejus mensis Marescallus qui antea 
sepe legatus Franciæ' accesserat Londini appulit: cui 
obviam dominus Thomas Brandon et Baker profecti 
sunt. Quo tempore in Turri residebat rex noster 
clementissimus; ad quam undecima prædicti mensis 
venerat. Quartadecima Decembris præfatus orator ad 
Turrim perrexit, et quintadecima similiter, conveniendi 
regis gratia. Sexta vero decima rex apud Wantstede 
ubi orator interfuit venatus est, eodemque die in arcem! 
rediit. Decimo nono Galliæ orator nuncium expedivit 
in Franciam. Quo die dominus Johannes Wyndfeld 
vita functus est. Hisce vero diebus Gallicum de Janu- 
ensibus carmen super Dominicam Orationem facetum 
regi præsentatum est. Per hos autem dies de Sophia* 
illo propheta rumor allatus est, contra Turcum illum 
feliciter triumphasse, multisque millibus interemptis, 
Turcorum dominia occupasse, altero® filiorum Turci in- 
terempto; præterea rem Christianam illum Sophiam 
restaurare quotidie, et deorum templa falsorum fun- 
ditus diruere. Sane, si vera est fama, multa humano 
generi ventura. Et hæc sexta Augusti ex Constanti- 
nopoli ad Venetos et Florentinos conscripta sunt et 
ad regem nostrum sub plumbea bulla, ut aiunt, desti- 
nata. 

Vicesimo quarto prædicti mensis cum domina Maria 
regis nostri filia natu minima ‘matrimonium Karoh 
archiducis confirmatum renunciabit et illis quidem 
quibus olim domina Margareta Edwardi Quarti soror 


= — = ee me ne re — ——— ea eee ee 


1 aream, MS. ® altera, MS. 

? Ismael, who was called the ‘ Sic, qu. pro renunciatar ? 
Great Sophi of Persia. See Ry- 
caut’s Turkish History. 


ANNALES HENRICI VII. 103 


dotibus' et legibus Burgundiæ duci Karolo nupta A.D. 1507. 
fuerat. Dominus Privati Sigilli Caleto reversus Do- December. 
variæ aliquantisper ægrotavit ; quem altera navi domi- 

nus Thesaurarius consecutus ventis eluctantibus nondum 
applicuerat. Rex autem Richemondiz tune vicesimo 

primo Natalem auspicatus fuerat, ibique degebat festa 
Natalitia pro more suo solenniter transigens, quo 

Galliæ orator præfatus quinto die Natalis profectus est. 

Rediit vespera Circumcisionis. Quo die nonnulli de 

pace regis Francie ac Romanorum conflata, alii prop- 

ter necem machinatam in Julium Romanum pontificum, 

auctore Ventivolo illo* de quo anno superiore scripsi- 

mus infecta pace dictitabant. 

Die vero anni novi primo propter jamdictum inter A.D.1508. 
Karolum et Mariam conclusum connubium lætitiæ January. 
ignes magna vicatim vini exuberante copia passim 
accensi sunt. Galliæ vero dictus orator secunda 
Januarii aliquantisper ægrotans ad regem ut con- 
stituerat non est profectus, et propterea jam dicta luce 
Baker illum ubi primum diluculavit excusatum apud 
regem properavit. Quo quidem die nuncius ab urbe 
incredibilia dictu, hoc est de primis verni fructibus 
temporis floridoque frumento visis, referebat. Hoc 
autem anni primordio dictus Galliz orator alterum 
in Franciam nuncium expedivit. Cardinalis autem 
Rothomajensis in civitate sua Christi Natalem magna 
undique heroum oratorumque pro rege suo expedi- 
endorum turba comitatus solenniter observabat. Quinta 
vero jam dicti mensis regius duumvir Gallicum 
oratorem opipare convivio excepit, cui ego quoque 
interfui. In crastinum autem idem orator Richemon- 
diam petit. Epiphaniz autem nocte* præclara inibi 
principibus et ipso oratore cæterisque dominis de more 


1 dotis, MS. 3 Jan. 6. 
2 Alexander Bentivoslio See 
Guicciardini, book vii. 


A.D. 1508. 
January. 


Illness of 
De Puebla. 


104 BERNARDI ANDRE 


purpureum regem comitantibus, spectacula fuere bifaria 
turritis curriculis exhibita, altero quidem egregiam 
vehentem dominam, altero quinque ornatissimis pueris 
regis ex curru prodeuntibus sigillatimque choream 
cum illa ineuntibus; que quidem ut visu mirabilia, 
ita mihi quoque dictu impossibilia videntur, tantus 
personatibus illis decor, tum gestu, tum vultu, tum 
vestitu inerat, tantaque gloria. Sacelli quoque regi 
cantores præstantissimam agitavere comœdiam. Tum 
demum opiparum convivium nocturnum illustres mul- 
tifariam ferculis preciosissimis opulentum domini gem- 
mis et auro splendidi intulerunt. In crastinum autem 
rex Anthonæ curiam secessit relaxandi animi gratia, 
mansitque ibidem usque ad decimam Januari; Hon- 
nore domum a se novo comparatam revisit. Un- 
decima vero apud Chersey, duodecima Okynge demi- 
gravit. Tertiadecima vero jamdicti mensis nobilis 
Mathæus Baker memoratum Galliz oratorem domi 
apud se festiviter et opulenter cum multis aliis tam 
urbis quam curiæ primoribus excepit convivio splen- 
didissimo. Hoc quidem antea Richemount caduceator 
nona Januarii factitaverat. Antiquus autem Hispanic 
legatus de Poebla doctor egregius septima prefati 
mensis ab Anthonæ curia, a benignissimo rege multi- 
fariis humanitatis officiis, preestitoque ili Ponti regis 
antidoto, eodem rege illius cubiculum accedente ibique 
aliquandiu humanissime illum sgrotantem ' consolante, 
ab infirmitate paulum post soporem mirifice recreatus 
urbem  repetiitt Quo die doctoris West familiaris 
Reynesford, generosus a preedicti oratoris Iberiæ famulis 
noctu, ut aiunt, ante jamdicti oratoris fores non multis 
ante diebus lethaliter vulneratus, sepultus est. 

Per hosce autem dies certus rumor de percusso inter 
Romanum et Gallum regem foedere promulgabatur. Et 


mr er ee ee ee me en - - —_— 


' crogauntem in MS. 


ANNALES HENRICI VII. 105 


hoc quidem tempore Scotus quidam doctor theologus A.D. 1508. 
eruditorum in corona sacerdotum in præclarissima sede January. 
divi Pauli epistolas ejusdem magna cum omnium ex- à Scotch 
pectatione bis in die interpretabatur. Tertia vero pounds 
decima Januarii prememoratus Hispaniæ orator ad Eristice. 
regem apud Hawkyng est profectus. Venit quoque 

per id tempus ab Escotia quidam comes Hemertoniæ 

una cum fratre suo,’ viri bellatores inclyti, qui anno 
superiore istac dissimulanter transeuntes in Franciam 
trajecerunt ; quamobrem rex dominum Hugonem 
Vaughan obviam illis e° Francia redeuntibus in Kan- 

tiam misit, [jussit ]que illos in civitate hac tractari 
festiviter. Cui alter duumvir Dominica sequenti‘ ur- 

banus autem pretor magnum convivium exhibuit. Hic 

est ille qui cum illo strenuo milite de Labastide in 

Scotia, ut in superiori anno scripsimus, strenuissime 
duellatus est. Hoc idem jam dictus frater ejus, nomine 
Patricius, adversus Gallum quendam dominum de Cam- 

pana in Scotia olim factitavit. 

Eodem jam dicto die dum Hispanus orator de A servant 
Poebela post prandium curiam peteret, super civitatis Spaniah 
pontem quendam familiarium suorum Loparoys satellites ambss- 
urbici detinuerunt, affirmantes illum in antememorata seized. 
Reynesford nece cum aliis consensisse. Orator vero 
illum suis infirmitatibus pernecessarium affirmabat, et 
idcirco rogavit illos ut ad filium suum Sancti Pauli 
præcentorem adducerent, qui centum librarum securi- 
tatem pro illo daret. [Illi autem officiales, in publicam 
custodiam eundem trahentes, equum ejus quasi foris- 
factum retinuerunt; quamobrem prædictus filius media 
nocte in curiam patrem consecutus est. Sub idem 








_———— 





we mm = me ee ee ee 


' James, second lord Hamilton, 2 ct MS. 
earl of Arran, and his natural 3 Om. in MS. 
brether Sir Patrick Hamilton of ‘Some words appear to be 
Kineavill, See Douglas’ Peerage | omitted ia this place, 


of Scotland, 1. 697, and Pinkerton's 
History of Scot'and, 11. 62. 


A.D. 1508. 


January. 


Defeat of 
the Swiss 


by the 
Venetians. 


February. 


Tilness of 
the king. 


108 BERNARDI ANDREA 


cernere erat. Prætereo festivissimum illius recipiendi 
proximis modum et in primis duorum illustrium, domini 
videlicet regii Camerarii et domini Halberti et deinceps 
reliquorum. Interfuit huic tam egregiæ receptioni ante- 
memoratus Galliz orator ; interfuit et Hispaniæ. Rediere 
sub id temporis a Maximiliano Wyndfeld et Baker de 
regia custodia quos rex illuc miserat. Rediut etiam in 
urbem Eliensis episcopus ; et penultima ejusdem mensis 
dominus Henricus Hawte sacerdos utraque lingua 
peritus olimque nostri ludi primarius discipulus cor- 
reptus interiit. 

De Helvetiis autem a Venetis spoliatis atque repulsis, 
tum gratia rumusculus erat. Eisdem pene diebus Poli- 
doro Wallensem archidiaconatum!, Gondesalvo vero Ebo- 
racensem rex contulit. Vespera Candelaria Richemon- 
diam Galliæ orator, qui paulo ante nuntium iterum 
misit in Franciam ad regem decorandum, profectus 
erat; ab ipso rege prædicto die perpingui dama do- 
natus, post triduum ire distulit. Tres etiam seniores 
urbis, nescio ob quod indignum facinus, regio carcere 
intrusi sunt. 

Tertia Februarii ab archiduce legatus venit in ur- 
bem hanc, dominus præpositus de Casse, vir apprime 
doctus, et qui paulo ante in Francia legati officio func- 
tus est. Et sexta ejusdem mensis Divitem Montem ad 
regem perrexit, ipsoque die reversus. Per id temporis 
articulari morbo aliquantisper laborans in publicum rex 
non exiit. Undecima vero ejus mensis anniversarium 
felicis recordationis reginæ, reginæ Elizabethæ olim regis 
nostri consortis per urbem totam et regionem, hoc est 
per singulas regni parochias, cathedrales, collegiatasque 
ecclesias atque religiosa loca cujuscumque ordinis, so- 
Jenniter, ut in superioribus annis observatum est, 
sereniter, magnis ubique pecuniarum summis unicuique 


'In margin “ Polidori premot:o disna.” 


ANNALES HENRICI VII. 109 


locorum de more distributis Londoniensis autem epi- A.D. 1508. 
scopus ! apud Westmonasterium eo die sacrificavit ; ad February. 
quem locum complures * alii domini spirituales et tem- 
porales ac generosi ad offerendum convenerunt ; sed in 
primis regis loco ejus suus® obtulit dominus Egidius 
Dawbeney camerarius ex Richemondia ab eodem rege 
ad hoc destinatus. 

Tertiadecima hujus mensis ille Flandriæ orator et 
frater ejus a domino Sancti Johannis convivio opipare 
ac festiviter excepti sunt. Quo tempore Sayer, Radnap 
et Johnson cives Londonienses ob pecuniam regi fide- 
jussionis gratia debitam ad Sancti Martini sanctuarium 
confugerunt. Ac [ea‘] etiam tempestate legatus ex 
Hispania huc trajecit, Guttiere Gomes de Fuensalida, 
qui, ut aiebant, serenissimi principis pactam pro se- 
cundo regis filio dotem attulit; cui divi Pauli præ- 
centor obviam processit. Deprehensus etiam quidam An apos- 
apostata Britanniæ Minoris ct ordinis Sancti Dominici ‘te Dom! 
qui jactabat se plurimas artes etiam magicas tenere, 
cum quibus nihilominus in carcerem detrusus est, 
sauciatis prius, ut ferebatur, qui eum trahebant clien- 
tibus, Venere per id tempus vicecomites urbis et jam- 
dictorum civium domos ingressi obsignaverunt ; cujus 
rei gratia propter ecclesiæ immunitatem tuendam hujus 
loci et ordinis provincialis et prior magistrum Dudle 
adierunt, et deinceps dominum cancellarium. 

Sed ad regem nostrum redeo, qui per totos jam ex- 
actos dies si non obstetisset podagra Gryniwicum ven- 
turus erat. Dilata sunt etiam hastiludia quia Flandriæ 
oratores nondum venerant preter antememoratos fratres 
oratores dominæ Margarets, quorum alter singularis ad 
magistratum Brugis gerendum revocatus est. Vicesima 
prima hujus mensis oratorem sæpe memoratum Galliæ 


. 
ee eee i ee we ee ee ew 0 eee + e . eee me nn 


1 William Barons or Barnes {  * Sic in MS. 
* cum plures, MS. | ¢ Not in MS, 


110 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


AD. 1508, lautissima cœna festiviter excepit. Et in crastinum jam- 

February. dictus Flandriæ orator hinc abiit Ægrotaverat autem 

paucis ante diebus regius camerarius. Hac vero die 

vicesimo secundo ille Hispanise preedictus orator urbem 

hanc ingressurus expectabatur. Et in crastinum per 

totam diem et noctem validissimi venti præliati sunt 

Vicesima secunda vero apud Lodowicum de la Fave 

amplissimo convivio receptus est Flandriæ orator. Vi- 

cesima tertia antiquus Hispaniæ orator ad novum visi- 

tandum ex curia venit. Consiliarii autem regis, utpote 

dominus Sancti Johannis cum aliis, quotidie illum 

idoneum! Hispaniæ oratorem honoris gratia post pran- 

dium visitabant. Fuere per hosce dies vultibus occlusis 

apud Lamehith inter quosdam nobiles hastiludia, qui 

[post*] peracta confestim sine mora ad curiam equo 
velociter rediere. 

Ambessa-  Vicesima ex Hispania? hoc est ex parte regins 

dors trom Francie, venit alter orator, senescallus, ut aiebant, 

queen, de Morlanis jurisperitus. Hoc etiam tempore orationem 

sain habuit doctor West ad novum Hispaniæ oratorem in 

‘  hospitio ejusdem, præsentibus aliis regiis consiliariis, in 

qua primum adventus ejus gratulatio regisque ac 

principum lætitia declarabantur, et de rebus Hispaniæ 

feliciter compositis regis gaudium. Ille Gallice non 

* March, minus facete quam prudenter respondit. Ille autem 

memoratus Britannus etiam orationem egregiam habuit, 

præsentibus dominis, regio scilicet cancellario atque 

thesaurario, et altero etiam (Galliæ oratore, in rede 

Preedicatorum* sub privata audientia, ubi de com- 

meatibus et commerciis navalibus communicatum est. 

Sed in crastinum divi Mathis® antiquus regius tonsor 


RET Re et meet SR em at ee ee ee ee een 


Sic in MS., but I presume a | nia: in the margin are the words 
clerical error for td est, novum. “ Brito Orator.” 
? Not in MS. * Prædicatoris, MS. 
* Apparently an crror for Britan- § Feb. 25, 


ANNALES HENRICI VII. 111 


equo decussus brachium confregit. Hoc autem quod A-D. 1508. 
de Britone jam dixi secunda Martii factum est. Mareh. 

Naves autem undique naufragæ mensibus exactis 
non paucæ periere. Rediit autem memoratus - senes- 
callus Britanniz ad concilium apud Preedicatores, et 
cum eo alter Galliæ orator. Quinta vero Marti Flan- 
driæ legatus Hispanusque preefatus (antiquus enim tum 
graviter segrotabat) ad duellares ludos conspiciendos 
quos dominus Henricus Bukkynghamiæ! et idem domi- 
nus comes Kantiæ cum suis commilitonibus ultro 
citroque strenue inierunt profecti sunt. Quorum qui- 
dem spectaculorum magnificentiam, quia in ore omnium 
palam est, de? hujusmodi pluscula mox dicturus super- 
sedeo. Sexta præscripti mensis quæ fuit secunda 
Carnisprivii dies, propter equorum quietem ludi inter- 
polati sunt. Septima die ambo Francie legati ad 
spectacula perrexere. Sed ille, seu, ut verius dicam, 
Maximiliani ejusque filiæ orator memorato die quo 
profectus est domum reduit, 

De illo autem imperatore ejusque vasto exercitu in 
Venetos multa dictitabhnt per hosce dies. Illud autem 
a tabellario qui tunc e Gallia redierat suo Gallus 
orator certum habuit regem, illum per fines Ligurum 
aut Insubrorum progredi et ideo adversum Venetos 
cum Gallis fœderatos arma tentasse, Valleque nescio 
qua vi occupata multa molitum; sed tandem, strage 
suorum prius facta, ab Helvetiis Galli regis Venetaque Maxi. 
manu longe fuisse repulsum. Alii contra de illo aliter an a 
sentiebant. Interim pax infida aut induciæ cum duce 
Geldriæ tractabantur. Et ea gratia dictum Cassæ 
preepositum ne Gallus rex medio regis nostri ducem 
illum juvaret huc venisse aiebant. Preetereo mercatorum 
Rothomagensium choream egregiam ac sumptuosam et 


re ee ee 


1 See p. 106. note J. | 2 de de, MS. 


112 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1508. multi auri ad tali jactum profusionem factam. Noctu 


March. 


sexta Martii et item domini Brando lyricinis inibi de 
duellatorum laudibus modulatissima carmina coram 
Franciæ Marescallo domino Burgoniæ Mathæo Baker 
reculo et compluribus ! aliis argutissime decantata. Nec 
memoras lautum Mathæi Baker Gallis oratoribus eodem 


die exhibitum convivium. 


The Turks Quid dicam iterum de illo Sophia,? de quo reveren- 


and the 
Sophi. 


dissimus Sanctæ Crucis Cardinalis ad serenissimum 
regem nostrum gravissime scripsit, illum  videlicet 
Christiana matre creatum, velleque modo [quod] 
Christiani principes adversus Turcas sibi suppetias 
ferant, Europam illis relinquere Asiaque contentum‘ 
[esse®] ; Turcarum® vero ducem ea gratia cum Sol- 
dano confœderatum ut viribus illius resistere possit, 
misisseque totum quem habebat in Europa exercitum 
ut alterius vim repellat ; quod si Christiani reges, relictis 
invicem inter se discordiis, ad illas oras jam præsidiis 
vacuas tenderent, facillime illas obtinerent. Ab Scotia - 
Solymorum urbem petens archiepiscopus quidem per- 
egre hoc tempore hic appulit Duo præterea e Francia 
novi oratores, alter dominus Dawbeney alter Tholosæ 
præsidens et supplicationum magister in Galliæ curia 
his diebus expectabantur ; quibus iterum decoctores 
tres’? tam Venetiis quam Brugis declarati sunt. 

Item tertiadecima Martii ex Divite Monte rex 
Bathoniensis domum episcopi vesperi commigravit, et 
quintadecima Grynwicum petit. Ædem Beati Johannis 
hoe tempore propter indulgentiam consequendam ipsum 
aiebant privatim adiise. Princeps autem eo die regis 
loco, cum aliquot dominis regulariter regio in cubiculo 
pransus est. Sed valetudine paulisper adversa palam 


_ - - - = - : = _ ee eee 


1 cum pluribus, MS. * Sic, qu. pro Venetorum ? 
2 See p. 102. * Robert Stuart, lord D’Aubigny. 
? Not in MS. * See p. 106. 


* coalemptum, MS, 





114 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1508. quam Flandriæ oratores, alter dentibus, alter triduana 
febre laboravit circa Aprilis initium. 

Apri. | Colloquia interea cum nuncio Britone in arte 
prædicatoria inter proceres fuere non pauca De rege 
autem Romanorum cum Venetis rumor parum secundus 
habebatur. Francie rex Lucduni per id temporis 
agens Venetis ferebat suppétias Nona vero Aprilis ad 
Paulinam crucem pontificale indultum, exceptis quatuor 
aluminum abactoribus, divulgatum est amplissimum ad 
basilicam Sancti Petri in Urbe reficiendam, quo suspenses 
sunt preter regiam veniam omnes imdulgentis; sed 

Attempton postea idem, nescio quas ob causas, repressum est. Sub 
ye eof hoc tempus Aragonum regem vite periculum ® quo- 
kingof dam suo familiari illatum incolumem evasisse aiebant ; 
Aragon. sammum etiam pontificem oppetisse falso dictitabant. 
Paschate' vero Galliæ oratorem pleuresi graviter ægro- 
tasse certum est, et ante illum per quadragesimam 
Flandriæ legatum febre triduana laborasse constat 
Sacrosancta autem Paschatis die ad vesperas quidam 
Hispanus principissæ cursor in æde beati Augustini 
Anglicum quendam suo gladio vulneravit, unde per 
festa Paschalia ecclesia violata diutius caruit obsequiis. 
Vespera cujus diei regius chirurgicus inter de curia 
navicula redeundum a quodam remige incauto? confracta 
temporum ossa silice, hoc est, mandibulam conquassatam, 
reportavit. Tertio autem Paschalium festorum dominus 
Willielmus sacerdos Mathæi Baker, Brito, expiravit ; 
cujus anim misereatur Deus. Hoc tempore divi® et 
Martii supplicationes propter jam dictam  ecclesie 
violationem prætermissæ sunt. Sermones autem illi 
solennes ad hospitale Sanctæ Marie Episcopalem extra 
portam Doctor Yong prior noster, quamvis ægrotus, et 
carbonarius‘ egregie celebrarunt. Urbis autem dudum 





1 Easter fell on the 23d April * Saint's name omitted. 


in 1508. ‘ Sic in MS., qu. cancellarius? 
* in tanto, MS., an evident tran- 
scriber’s error. 


ANNALES HENRICI VII. 115 


recordator Sheffelde suo se officio abdicavit. His A.D. 1508. 
etiam Paschalibus festis nuncius e Flandria appulit, qui April 
prius regem adiens ab eodem quam mox ad Flandrisæ 
legatum mittitur. At ille reserata literarum cellula 
nuncium ad regem remisit. Ad finem vero prenotati 
mensis belua marina, quam alii delphinum, alii acum 
seu bolonem propter rostri acumen putavere, captus hoc 
in flumine est. Ultima Aprilis Cantuariensis suffra- 
ganeus Augustinensium ecclesiam reconciliavit. 

Expectati jampridem legati Flandriæ propter regis May. 
ægritudinem in aliud tempus venire distulerunt, tale- 
que nuncium Caleti antinotator,' diu cum domina Mar- 
gareta jussu regio commoratus retulit. Sexta Maii e® 
Flandria sturco piscis mire magnitudinis vivus regi 
delatus est a quodam illius gentis amplissimo prius ab 
ipso rege munere donatus; quem quidem piscem inter 
legatos regios, Galliæ videlicet, Hispaniæ ‘ac Flandris, 
rex partiri jussit, caputque oratori Flandriæ præsen- 
tari. De civitate autem Norwicensi tertia ex parte igne Great con- 
. correpta atque exusta cum magno multorum civium ft 
detrimento rumor erat; quod quidem facinus cuic 
cxterno nomine Petyt John ascriptum est. Observatum 
Wyndesore divi Georgii festum atque inibi milites aurati 
cum caduceatoribus pro rege ibidem presidente regio 
senescallo, solenniter ac splendide solitis diebus congra- 
tulati sunt. Undecima vero Maii rex apud Eltham cum 
suo cubiculario et paucis admodum levandæ sospitatis 
gratia, privatim recessit. Venit autem per hosce dies 
ad® Francis legatum cum literis nuncius, et ea gratia 
idem orator, longa jam sgritudine levatus, ad Gryn- 
wicum perrexit. Venit etiam domini Kyldariæ filius 
dominus Gerardus, et multos tam regi quam aliis pro- 
ceribus sonipedes partitus est; cum quo strenuus 


1 Sir John Wiltshire. See Chro- 2 et, MS. 
nicle of Calais, p. 52. * ac, MS. 


x 2 








118 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1508. illi pientissimis verbis benedictione, labascere cϾpit. 


May. 


His fune- 
ral. 


Quod dominus Worsowik! videns, si? Passionem Christi 
mente recoleret signum aliquod postulavit. Ille, quam- 
vis extrema hora laborans, bis levatis in cœlum manibus, 
oculos patefecit, dicensque novissima verba, “ In manus 
tuas,” usque ad illud “Spiritum,” sine ullo fremitu aut 
pavore Jesu Christo humiliter animam tradidit. Cui 
pro sua infinita bonitate et suæ Passionis inenarrabilibus 
meritis, Dominus Jesus Christus, precibus suze Matris 
et omnium Sanctorum quibus assidue serviebat, requiem 
æternam donet. Amen. Pro cujus obitu sequens a 
me epitaphium factum est : — 


Epituphinm domini Daubne. 


Militiæ decus ac fidei memorabile culmen, 
Dawbeny Egidius mole sub hac situs est. 

Septimi* Henrici Camerarius ipse fidelis 
Extitit, et mera simplicitate bonus. 

Hic coelum Henricus Sextus qua luce petivit, 
Huic quoque migravit. Christe, memento sui. 


Obiit autem anno millesimo quingentesimo octavo et 
nocte vicesima prima Mai.  Vicesima sexta Maii 
magna cum celebritate atque omnium rerum honorifi- 
centia flumine corpus ejus delatum est ad Westmonas- 
terium, horam post meridiem circiter tertiam, quo in 
loco pientissimum suorum ordinem, lamentumque as- 
pectantium, omniumque fere nobilium dominorum, tam 
in progressu quam in officio ecclesiastico, consulto præ- 
tereo. Hoc tantum scribo quod in crastinum [decanus‘] 
Regiæ Capellæ primam, abbas vero ejus loci secun- 
dam, præsul Londoniensis tertiam missam celebravit. 
Rector autem Croydon inde mortui laudes egregie de- 


eee -—_— 


1 Urswick. 3 Septem, MS. 
2 se, MIS. 4 Not in MS. 


ANNALES HENRICI VIL. 119 


clamavit. Oblationem etiam omnium dominorum, pr&- A.D. 1508. 
sertim domini Cancellarii!, necnon caduceatorum illius May. 
insignia ferentium transeo. Illud autem consulto fac- 

tum est, utpote vel propter teneritatem ætatis illius 

filius officio funebri? non præfuit sed ejus loco amatus 
quidam sororis filius officium ministravit, in talibus fien 
solitum magnis funeribus vexilliferorum. Preterea 
omnes tam sui quam uxoris generis nominare præter- 
mitto. Ad summum expleta sunt pro tanto viro ho- 
norificentissimo officia® vix dictu facilia Tandem præ- 

fato die in sacello seorsum a regia basilica communi 

cum omnium planctu tumulatus est. 

Prima Junii, que fuit vigilia Ascensionis Domini,‘ June. 
regia indulgentia propter populi multitudinem uno die 
adaucta > id est sexta feria sequente inchoata est. 

Quo die domina Dawbeny post funera mariti solen- 
niter celebrata, quia rex illo venturus erat, Hampton 
Courte reversa est. Que cum audisset regem postea 
mutasse sententiam adhuc in urbe remorata est. Rex 
autem palam suse indulgentiæ non interfuit. Ad ipsum 
autem hoc tempore duo religiosi ordinis Bonorum Ho- 
minum de Francia cum certis postulationibus quas rex 
non admisit hic appulerunt. Per hosce reliquum civitatis Another 
Norwici ferme totum cvelitus conflagravit. Quo tem- Norwich, 
pore de Ludowici Mori ducis quondam Mediolanensis 
in Francia diu captivi morte nuncium venit. Expediti 
etiam sunt antedicti Rothomagenses fidicines, magnoque 
a rege donati munere, octava Junii repedarunt. Et 
sub idem tempus ad oratores omnes rex iterum ex 
Grynwico ferinam misit copiosam. Nuncii etiam e 
Flandria revenerunt de Maximiliani ingenti exercitu 


' William Warham, archbishop | June was Ascension day itself, 


of Canterbury. not the eve of Ascension day in 
3 funelebri, MS, 1508. 
3 officio, MS. $ gadauta (?), MS., the first a 


‘ This is an error, The lst of | being cancelled. 


120 BERNARDI ANDREZ 


A.D. 1508. adventuque in Flandriam deque Batavi' successu 
Ju. nescio qualia referentes. Interea ut a fine Maii fit 


æstus preter solitum, sine pluvia usque ad hunc 
diem tertiumdecimum Junii continuavit. Vigilia autem 
Pentecostes* hora post nonam tertia jussus est Flan- 
driæ orator ad Grynwicum accedere. Unde eodem 
die reversus est. Hac die hora quinta cum dimidia 


An clipes mane eclipsis lune  universalis visibus humanis 


cernenda‘ sperabatur. Tum illa sub terms eclipsata 
vulgus imperitum elusit. Accessit et ipsa dies ut aliæ 
priores clarissima ; verum biduo aut triduo post, hora 
tertia post meridiem, tonitrui fragore paulisper excusso 
largus imber defluxit, toti satorum genta saluberrimus ; 
sicque Sancti Spiritus, cujus tunc festa colebantur, gratia 
in se sperantibus non defuit. Quintadecima vero Junii 
hastiludia apud Grynwicum propter ipsius adolescentis 
principis armati in conspectu nobilium præstantiam 
clarissimis undique heroibus circumfultam longe cele- 
berrima fuere. In quibus præclarum illud ad annulum 
hastis petitum spectaculum cernere fuit operæ pretium. 
Post deinde torniamenta sine principe validiores co- 
minus® exercuerunt. | 

Sexta vero decima ejusdem mensis ubertim defluxit 
pluvia. Quo die ex variis nationibus quinque hic 


News from appulerunt cursores. Prescriptaque die Episcopus 
me ‘aed land % Moreliensis, Scotus orator, præstantibus viris comitatus 


applicuit, qui gravidam, ut aiunt, reginam Scotiæ 
referebat. Hic autem Trinitatis festa luce® cum 
honesto comitatu ad fratres Augustinienses incessit. 
Quo tempore reverendus doctor Stok ordinis Heremi- 
tarum Sancti Augustini prædicator egregius, postquam 





' 1 Sic, qu. pro Batavorwn. 13th of June according to L'Art 
* The eve of Whitsunday was | de Vérifier les Dates. 
the 10th of June in 1508. * cernendas, MS. 


® The eclipse took place on the : ape MS. 





122 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A-D. 1508. propter sponsalia venturos ! a Flandria oratores, captis 
Jane. jam circa nos in Aula Sartoria eorum hospitiis, prope 
diem exspectabamus. Immo vero Maximiliani orator 
Conquests Caleti jam tum ferebatur applicuisse. Ad hc de rege 
of gue Portugaliæ Emanuele in utraque India atque Ethiopia 
miratu allatuque dignissima Nichodemus quidem Flo- 
rentinus mercator referebat ; illum, videlicet, parta 
cujusdam regionis victoria, omnigenas species sub ditione 

sua tenere, regemque illius terræ sub tributo misisse 
gemmas varias trecentorum millium ad conficiendum 
Emanueli regi monile baccatum. Ultima Junii rex 

ex Grynwico Bathonienses sedes accessit. Quo die in 
Suthwerk domus aliquot incendio conflagrarunt ; quod 

quidem facinus Scotis et Gallis vulgus passim ascripsit, 

et propterea quidam dicto die inibi captus est et pree- 

tori urbano traditus. Et hoc quidem tempore dominus 
Cantianus iterum inter duellandum cum principe, ut 

aiebant, suum confregit brachium ; talique die dominus 

* * intumulatus est. 

July. Rex autem ex prædicta domo post prandium Riche- 
mondiam flumine uti venerat usque ad Morlake devec- 
tus est, ibique transeunter in septo illo de Morlake 
venatus est. Et hæc fuit prima Julii. Tertia vero apud 
Wenworte® secessit. Quo die vesperi saluberrimus imber 
defluxit et Visitationis Elizabeth‘ matutinus. Quo 
quidem die martyrum Processi et Martiniani pluido °(%) 

Ambassa- quadraginta diebus vulgo pluere confabulantur. Quarta 
Gor from  hujus mensis ingressus est urbem Maximiliani legatus, 
lian. dominus Andreas de Burgo doctissimus, cui obviam pro- 
cessit dominus Wigorniensis,* Brandon et Poyntz; et ex 
parte altera sæpe antememoratus Flandrensis orator ; 


CE MN 


1 venture in MS. 5 Sic in MS. 
? Blank in MS. * Silvester de Giglis, bishop of 
* Wandsworth. Worcester. 


‘ An apparent error for beatæ 
Maria. July 2. 


ANNALES HENRICI VII. 193 


qui omnes centum ferme numero utrinque videbantur, A.D. 1508 
honeste et decenter ornati undique. Domicilium autem July. 
regis atque familia Grynwici interim splendide obser- 
vata ipsum regem expectabat ; ex ædibus autem nostris 
officii gratia ad prædictum legatum ibat redibatque 
mane et vespere ille Cassæ prepositus dominæ Mar- 
garetæ Flandriæ nuncius antememoratus. Et dominus 
Wigorniensis ubi primum orator ille urbem ingressus 
est ad regem properavit. In crastinum autem ipse cum 
Brandon legatum adiere. De dominis autem Scotiæ, 
custodia major circa illos apposita est; quos quidem rex 
jurejurando illis durissimo in suam fidem astringere 
volebat. Illi promissis -regiis sese delusos reputabant 
apud eorum custodem strenuum dominum Hugonem 
Vaughan regis custodiæ præfectum, in cujus ædibus 
prædicti a suis arctius servabantur. Ad quos quidem 
præsules Scotiæ doctor clam in colloquium veniens re- 
pulsus illico fuit a dicto custode verbis et pene factis 
Interea ad regem  accitus est legatus  ille 
novus cum egregio comitatu episcopi Wigorniensis et 
domini Brandon magni scutiferi regii, et intra hunc 
annum aureo donati cingulo propter fidem ac ipsius in 
duellando dexteritatem. Cujus quidem presulis ad- 
ventus regi fuisset longe gratissimus si reginæ Scotiæ 
serenissimæ triste de abortu nuncium non audivisset. 
De incendiariis autem urbs Londinum sibi metuens 
passim in Scotos et Gallos rumorem spargebat. Rex 
autem, priusquam ex ædibus Batoniæ solveret, grande 
illud ædificium instar Parisiensis hospitalis prope Do- Foundation 
minam de Rowncidevale construendum diffinivit. Deinde Oita 
flumen usque ad Fullam illinc parvo comitatu venatum, 
ut ante diximus, perrexit. Vespera autem divi Thome! 
ad Richemondiam ex Wanworth rediit. Et postridie ejus 


Le a 


1 July 7. 








126 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


A.D. 1508. terea hoc in mense quidam aulicorum de familia domini 

July. Thesaurarii correpti sudore et interierunt, et passim un- 

ioe ake dique occidunt vicatim in urbe hac non pauci. Quæ 

ness, quidem plaga annos circiter quatuor et viginti huic 

quoque regioni atrox incubuit; quam altera longe detes- 

tabilior consecuta est, lepre instar abominanda, et que 

multos adhuc vexat egregios alioquin viros tabifica lues. 

Venit interea mulier quædam nobilis cum marito suo 

domino Dupplecy e Francia, honesto sociata comitatu, 

peregre, ut ferebatur, divi Thomæ Cantuariensis lumina 

Theking visitandi gratia. Tens sunt etiam his diebus tele 

gants near cassium in morem, prope Stratford, rege illic cum ex- 

ternis oratoribus presente; qui venandi ritus ex Gallis 

ut alia pleraque translatus est, fecitque idem pruden- 

tissimus rex, Matthæo Baker mediante, ejusmodi line- 

orum retium plagas et viros illis disponendis aptos 

advehi. Rexque ultima Julii in ejusdem Stratford 

monasterio jacuit. Sed quid his diebus acciderit patri 

et duobus filiis cognomine + *! quorum mors 

vicissim alternisque pene diebus, ut dicebatur, ex dolore 

raptorum bonorum, aut, ut alu dictitabant, sudore qui 

urbem jam pene totam invasit, non præterire est animus. 

Quid illud de seniore civitatis, domino Capell, nescio 

quas ob causas regias vexato, prætereo. De illa autem 

domina Dupplecy, cujus vir hoc tempore ad regiam 
majestatem honorifice conductus venatui regio interfuit. 

August. Prima Augusti rex ad illos memoratos casses venit 

ad Wanstede ; et in crastinum, præsentibus cunctis jam- 

dictis oratoribus, egregiam, ut alunt, præ nimia cæsarum 





’ A blank was originally left in | ierunt et passim” immediately pre- 
this place, and has been filled up | ceded the blank in question. To 
in a different hand with the words | judge by the handwriting of the 
‘* intereunt, quid illi.”. The cause of | interpolation, the leaves must have 
this apparent absurdity was the | been misplaced at a very early 
misplacement of two leaves of the | period. They still remain transposed, 
MS., by which the words “inter- | but the pagination is corrected. 


ANNALES HENRICI VII. 127 


ferarum multitudine venationem publice exhibuit. In- A.D. 1508. 
terfuere etiam tam Hispani quam Italici mercatores, in August 
quos rex bonus feras in omnes affatim partitus est. 
Advolarunt rurigenæ quoque et in ïillos contulit 
affluenter ferinam. Hoc etiam die soror domini Bur- 

goni apud Carthusienses honorifice intumulata est. 
Narrabatur item! multos præscripto die variis in locis 
sudifico morbo antespectatum contabuisse; et furit 

adhuc tabificus ille morbus: multi tamen bona cum 
custodia emergunt. Rex autem quarta Augusti præ- 
scripto in loco iterum venatus est. Quinta vero 
secessit ad Eltham apud magistrum Lovell et clarissi- 

mam ejus matrem. Quo die in ccemeterio Sancti Pauli 
permultorum annorum corpus plumbo inclusum inte- 

grum repertum est.? Rex autem magnum Teutonum A band of 
numerum, nescio quorsum, hujus mensis initio misit 72 
cum apparatu bellico, Helvetiorum more; locis autem 
præfatis venatus est affatim dictis oratoribus et nuncio 
Francie, qui octavo die Augusti expeditus repedavit. 

Quo die cujusdam domini Gallici de Biannois famuli 
appulerunt urbi huic ut patronum suum propter homi- 

cidium Angliam primum, postea in Scotia fugitantem 
quærebant. Rediit etiam eo die Caletus nuncius ex 
Caligio, et quidem impigre. Per hosce dies domini novi 
Camerarii uxor apud Cawle vita functa est, et apud 

Shene tumulata De regis autem Romanorum con- 
spectu et præsentia non diu apud suos visa rumor erat. 
Supplicatio etiam ob hanc sudoris plagam publica apud Public 
divum Paulum facta est. Quo tempore de capitulo re- Fe 
deuntes confratres nostri ordinis Augustinensium pro of the 
rogatu in aliud triennium magistrum Tonys provin- 
cialem retulerunt. Rex vigilia Divi Laurentii® e præ- 

dicto loco ad suam genitricem apud Hatfield com- 


ee ee ee ee ee 


1 adem, MS. # August 9. 
? Tn margin “ Mirum vero.” 


A.D. 1508. 
August. 


128 BERNARDI ANDREÆ 


migravit, et linc apud Wansted ubi quidam fa- 
miliarium sudaverunt. Et ideo rex illinc ad Berkyng, 
et illinc ad alia loca finitima, vigilia Assumpsionis ! 
secessit. Non enim, propter sudoris suspicionem, Gryn- 
wicum venire volebat, nec in Eltham, quibus locis 
principales domicellz regiæ sudaverunt; usque adeo 
sæviebat illa tempestate per omnia loca sudifica lues. 
Principis quoque familiarium aliquot desudavere ; nec 
fuga tunc proderat nec spelæa ferarum, quoniam mors 
omnia vincit. Illinc migravit rex ad dominum Oze, 
et illinc ad dominum Johannem Lowes decima septima 
Augusti ubi oratores antedicti venandi gratia inter- 
fuere. Sed grave in omnes aulicos edictum factum est 
sub indictis pœnis ut nullus Londonio veniens curiam 
ingrediatur neque urbem petat quisquam. Qui? autem 
ex regiis familiaribus sudore correpti fuerant incolumes 
evasere preter dominum Graystok adolescentem alioquin 
apprime nobilem præclaraque indole virtutum exornatum, 
qui tabifica jamdicta lue in curia occubuit. Et propterea 
rex hac atque illac ititans domicilia multorum nobilium 
suorum plurima quotidie visitabat. Cum quo ambo 
prædicti oratores sudoris timore perterriti peragrabant 
saltibus in variis cum eodem rege jucundissimos multi- 
fariarum ferarum discursus capturamque copiosissimam 
cernentes. Hoc etiam tempore domini® Privati Sigilli 
dominusque novus Camerarius sudore correpti sospites 
cmerserunt, sed bonæ memoriæ regii sacelli decanus 
doctor Symeon, theologorum decus et unicum humani- 
tatis erga pauperes asylum, eodem sudifico morbo interiit. 
Cujus anima beatis cum spiritubus congaudeat. 

His etiam diebus canonici quidam de Lyseus* honeste 
cum mulabus equis famulis ac vestibus sericis® ornati 
cum® literis Galliw regis dominique cardinalis Ro- 


1 August 14. | 4 Lisieux ? 
2 Quia in MS. * ceriseis, MS. 


* S'c in MS. * cum repeated in MS. 


ANNALES HENRICI VII. 129 


thomagensis ad regiam majestatem accessere; ques A.D. 1508. 
tunc ruri in ædibus Sancti Johannis erat, et illinc ad Avgus 
ædes domini Mountjoy commeavit; inde ad alias illius 
oræ nobilium domos quotidie domicilium mutans venti- 
tabant. Hujus autem mensis ad extremum quidam 
mercatoris habitu, clarissimis ortus natalibus, utpote ab 
imperatoribus Byzantinis et Macedoniæ regibus origi- 
nem ducens, quique Albaniæ ducis minimus natu filius, 
sed, cunctis jam sus egregiæ stirpis vita functis, maxi- 
morum potentatuum successor et hæres Durachii oriundus, 
Johannes Lyon dictus, in meam primum notitiam venit; 
qui regiæ majestati per literas supplicavit ut sui regni 
indigena fieret, quique mercaturam hic exercet. Ejus 
avunculus dominus Constantinus regis Romanorum om- 
nium præfectus exercituum ferebatur. Divi autem Bar- 
tholomæi vigilia rex noster, presente Cæsaris oratore, 
egregiam iterum exercuit venationem, dieque præcedenti 
alteram quoque exhibuerat eximiam ; in qua cervus 
lineum captum transiliens Petrum tonsorem equo ibi 
spectantem dejecit, non sine capitis læsione. Ille autem 
Flandriz orator jamdicta die cum Flandrensis colloquia 
Londinum rediit; et de vicesimo tertio anno quanta 
per auditum aptare potui hactenus. 


Peroratio. 


Scio equidem, sapientissime rex, multa hujus annalis 
præclara tuæ celsitudinis facinora me præteriisse ;! 
verum, quia ut in aliis preedixi annalibus instructionis* 
mihi, ut olim constituerat tua summa prudentia, copia 


1 The word in is here unncces- 2 instructoris, MS. 
sarily inserted in the MS. 





130 BERNARDI ANDREZ. 


A.D. 1508. non est, obsecro atque obtestor ut ignorantiam meam 
August. nulla præsertim culpa commissam supportari dignetur 


DEO GRATIAS. 


LES DOUZE TRIOMPHES 


DE 


HENRY VII. 


LES DOUZE TRIOMPHES DE HENRY YII. 


Ensuivent douze Gestes que Herculles fist en son temps, 
jigurées sus douze Triumphes que a faictes tres- 
illustre et puissant Roy Henry, vir‘ de ce nom, 
Roy d'Angleterre. 





PPP 


L’Acteur. 


Pour resoner les admirables gestes 

Du roy Henry vir d'Angleterre, 

Des triumphes qu'il ha en son temps faictes 
Contre Envye, la pire de la terre, 

Qui le poursuyt d'une mortelle guerre, 

Ainsi qu'on peult en son cas regarder : 

Mais touteffois, comme nous debuons croire, 
Nulle ne peult nuyre a qui Dieu veult aider. 


De sa vertu et loable haultesse, 

Selon le mien petit entendement, 

Je veul parler, affin que l'en cognoisse 
Comme il regne victorieusement. 
Faulce Envye est tousjours en dement 
Le destruyre par son sort venymeux ; 
Mais en la fin resiste tellement, 

Qui confondra les traistres envieux. 


134 


LES DOUZE TRIOMPHES 


Pour en parler par aulcune figure, 

De ses beaux faictz et ses haultains degrés, 
Il m'est besoing qu’aulcunement procure 
Ceulx qui ont eu en leur temps telz regretz. 
J’ay regardé en l’ystoire des Grecz 

Comme Juno eut de Herculles envye, 

Et ne congnoys propos qu'il soit plus près 
Du Roy Henry, Dieu luy doint bonne vie, 


Douze triumphes Herculles si ha faictes 
Durant son temps, se nous compte l'ystoire. 
Il fust hardy et vaillant en ses gestes 

Pour acomplir quelque œuvre méritoire. 

Mais je treuve d'une plus grant victoire 

Le roy Henry que Herculles, il est vray: 
Car ses faictz sont meulx dignes de mémoire 
Contre Envye ; et je le prouveray. 


Juno, plaine d’envye et de malice, 
Invitoit fort le roy Euristeus 

Qu'il commandast œuvre non pas propice 
A Herculles, pour qui ne regnast plus. 
Juno cuidoit que en ce fait fust forclus 
De sa vie, mais ce fust aultrement ; 

Car il usa de si nobles vertus 

Qu'il resista tresglorieusement. 


Qui est Juno? Pour le cas bien entendre 
Ainsi qu'on voit et qu'il peult apparestre, 

La douaire de Flandres se doibt prendre, 

Qui invitoit à dextre et à senestre 

Ung qui se dist, je ne scay s’il peult estre, 
Roy des Romains, pour ce bon roy destruire ; 
Pour luy j'entendz, et est bon à congnoistre, 
Euristeus ; en ce me peult suffire. 


DE HENRY VII. 135 


Quant des dragons que Juno aporta 

En la chambre de Herculles pour l'occire, 
L’ystoire dist que Herculles les macta, 

Mais de ce fait plus avant ne veulx luyre. 
Douze aultres faictz veulx en ce lieu escripre 
Que Herculles fist, de vertus bien nourry, 
En ramenant, se je le scay bien dire, 

Aulx triumphes du noble roy Henry. 


Vous, auditeurs, ayes moy excusé, 

Se grossement couche ma rhétorique. 
Comme ignorant je me suis disposé 

A ce faire: mon engin si aplicque. 

Car à cause que jay veu en publique 

Les beaulx effaictz du roy que veulx conter, 
Premièrement, et sans, plus de réplique, 

Je vous supply qu'il vous plaise escouter. 


La premiere Geste. 


Comme j’ay dist que par l’ennortement 
Ceste Juno dist & Euristeus 

Qu'il envoyast Herculles plainement 
Pour combatre le leon Cléonus, 

Lequel y fust sans y tarder non plus. 
Juno cuidoyt par ce le faire abatre, 
Mais il trouva le pasteur Molorcus, 

Qui luy bailla sa massue pour combatre. 


Je n’entendz point d’aultre pasteur que Dieu, 
Qui a baillé au roy Henry puissance 

Pour resister par tout et chacun lieu 

Les envyeulx qui luy portent nuysance. 
C’est le pasteur qui est son aleance, 

Qui luy baille celle forte massue, 

Pour le garder en bonne jouyssance : 

Non aultrement n’est la choze entendue. 


136 LES DOUZE TRIOMPHES 


En ensuyvant ceste geste première 

Que Herculles fist, qui le leon vainquist, 
Ce fust œuvre exquise et singulière 

Quant le leon Cléonus abatist ; 

Don de la peau du leon se vestit, 

Et s'en arma, affin qu'il fust plus fort, 

Et la garda, comme l'ystoire dist, 

Toulte sa vie jusque à tant qu’il fust mort. 


De ce leon j’entendz un roy superbe; 
C'est à scavoir, roy plus grant en noblesse 
Que les aultres, Virgille en un proverbe 
L’escript ainsi, en honneur et haultesse, 
Ce nonobstant que à present on l’abaisse 
Pour l’apliquer en vice aulcunement. 

Sy l’entendz je et pour autel le lesse, 
Comme on faisoit lors anciennement. 


Et de ce roy je me taiz le nommer, 
Qui du leon est icy figuré. 

Le roy Henry estant de là la mer 
Cuyda par luy bien estre devouré ; 
Mais Dieu pour luy a si bien procuré 
Qu'il ha vaincu et ha sa peau vestue. 
De ceste peau vous sera desclairé 
Qu'elle doibt estre pour vertus entendue. 


La peau est force, et prudence, et ricesse, 

Que apartienent à roy premièrement, 

Comme on lisons en l’ystoire sans cesse 

Du bon Jason, qui conquist noblement 

La Toison d'Or, ce n'estoit seullement 

Que le trésor du roy nommé Ouete 

Roy de Colcos ; il n’est point aultrement 

Sans que j'ey prengne ne que du myen y mette 


DE HENRY VIL "197 
Le if Geste. 


Puis Herculles, en ce deuxiesme geste, 

Tua Hysdra, une horrible serpente ; 

Et tout ainsi qu'il coupoit une teste 

Sept en sourdoyent ; la choze est apparente. 
Et touteffois, affin que je ne mente 

(Les poètes l’ont meslé par fiction.) 

Sy m'est forcé que J'en baille l’entente 

En vous donnant significacion. 


Yedra, c'est Grec qui vault autant à dire 

En bon Latin aqua : ce sont deux eaux. 

Si les poètes, dont, l'ont voulla descripre 

Pour serpente, il n'y a pas grans maulx. 

C’estoit ung lac, d'où sourdoyent grans ruysseaux, 
Qui le pays de l’environ gastoient. 

Quelque labour qu'ilz feissent ne travaulx 

Les grans ruysseaulx estancher ne scavoyent. 


Ysdra est donc pour ung lac nommé Lerne 
Dont il sourdoyt des eaues grande affluence. 
Mais Herculles, par son subtil gouverne, 
Trouva fachon de son art et science 

Le restancher devant tous en présence, 

Par feu et aultres instrumens à ce duys, 
Et exempta de ceste violence 

Ceulx et celles qui estoient au pais. 


Qui prendrons nous pour les eaues de ce lac 
Qui ont couru avant ceste contrée ? 

C'est Envye, qui en maint estomac 

De plusieurs gens devant tous s’est montrée 
Orde et salle, villement acoultrée, 

Getant venyn sur grans et sur petis ; 

Et qui ne l’eust en partie sequestrée 
Besoing estoit de quicter les pastis 


138 


LES DOUZE TRIOMPHES 


On a peu voir au pays d'Angleterre 
Les grans seigneurs troublés terriblement, 


Tant qu'ils ont fait les ungs aulx aultres guerre 


Que le pays alloit pyteusement ; 
Mais le bon roy, à son advenement, 
A tout sesché du fen de charité, 

Et reunis ensemble tellement 

Qu'ilz sont en paix vivans en unité 


Le iij Geste. 


Or nous fault il au tiers geste venir 

Où Herculles usa de grant practique ; 

Car il vainquist par son fort maintenir 

Et myst à mort le senglyer Archadique. 

De ce senglyer c’est droit que je l’aplique 
Au roy Richard, puis qu'il vient cy endroit, 
Lequel tenoit comme faulx et inique 

Le lieu royal, sans y avoir nul droit. 


Or avoit il retins pour sa devise 

Le grant pourreau qui est trésorde beste ; 
Et ne scait on pour quoy il avoit prise 

Se ce n'est Dieu, qui les cœurs admoneste. 
Au bon l’honneur, et le mauvailz conqueste 
Tout deshonneur, noblesse le regnye ; 

Car Péché nuyt et est dit deshonneste. 

I] est villain qui fait villennye. 


De ce Richard encor parler je veulx, 

De ce qu'il fust de sens si rebuté 

De deffaire ses deux propres nepueux. 

Ce fut à luy trop grande cruaulté. 

Avarice l'avoit trop surmonté. 

Affin de temps luy en debuoit mal prendre. 
Aussi estil, car Dieu de sa bonté 

Avant ses jours luy ha bien fait entendre. 


DE HENRY VII 139 


Le noble roy Henry le conquesta 

Sur le beau champ victorieusement : 

Et croy que Dieu en ce jour l'apointa, 

Car ce fust fait miraculeusement. 

Petit de gens firent sy grandement 

En donnant coups et d’estoc et de taille, 
Que les contraires se rendoyent humblement, 
Et fust Richard tué à la bataille. 


Le vi Geste. 

Du quatriesme parlerons ceste foys, 

Où Herculles y fist geste tresbelle : 

Ce fust d’un cerf qui se tenoyt au boys 
Aulx cornes d'or, ainsi qu'on le révelle 
De la grandeur, c’estoit choze cruelle. 
Quant Herculles en eust ouy parler, 
Comme vaillant chevalier de bon zéle, 
Devers le cerf eust grant vouloir d'aller. 


Or Herculles chercha tant de remydes 
Qu'il voullust voir quelle beste c’estoit. 
Trouva le cerf, qu'on nommoit Héripides, 
Grant et cornu, qui au boys s'esbatoit, 
Herculles veist que le cerf se hastoit 
Venir vers luy, mes si bien besoingna 
Quelque chose que le cerf combatoit, 

En la parfin Herculles le tua. 


Qui prendrons nous pour le cerf tant cornu, 
Qui ses cornes vouloit faire reluyre ? 

C'est le comte de Licaon, qui est venu 

En ce pays, cuidant ce roy destruyre. 

O Envye! Trop luy as voullu nuyre 

Par tes souldars, qui enfin sont deceups, 
Car tout le mal devers toy se retire ; 

Tu vois qu'il vient tousjours à son dessus. 


140 LES DOUZE TRIOMPHES 


Tu amenas le comte de Licaon 

Faire tuer, la choze est bien certaine. 

Ce fust par toy, et aussi, le dist on: 

Tu es doncques de maulvaitié tresplaine. 

A tout malheur tes souldars tu amaine ; 

Car qui te croyt, il ha pour tout loyer, 
Quant que se soit, quelque sanglante estraine, 
Car tu ne sçais aultre paiement payer. 


Regardons donc si Envye est plaisante 
Quant el decoit si faulcement son maistre. 
En tout endroit la personne est meschante 
De la croire, et son servant se mectre. 

Ce que je dy on le peult bien congnoistre ; 
On en ha veu le signe magnifeste. 
Deffuyons la par tout et chacun estre, 

Et procedons de la v* geste. 


Le v* Geste. 


De grans oyseaulx et d’estrange figure 
Stimphalides en Archadye estoyent, 

Et rapinoyent chacune creature, 

Ilz devouroyent, aussi tout depastoyent. 

Tout le poeuple aller aulx champs n’osoyent, 
Pour le grant mal que faisoyent telz oyseaulx. 
Les laboureurs leurs labours delaissoyent ; 
C'estoit pitié, tant il faisoyent de maulx. 


Le bruit en fust. Il n’est rien qu'on ne dye. 
Donc Hercules le vaillant s’avanca, 

D'aller tout droict au pais d’Archadye ; 

Qui de son arc tous les oyseaulx chassa, 

Par tel moyen que nul n’y en lessa. 

Quant les oyseaulx s'en furent tous fuis, 

La renommée de Herculles se haulsa 

En luy donnant gloire par le pays, 


DE HENRY VII. 141 


On a peu voyr aussi pareillement 

En ce pays larrons grant quantité, 

Qui devouroyent et gastoyent - tellement 
Que le pays en estoit tout gasté. 

On ne scavoit aller de nul costé, 

Que on eust esté desrobé et pillé. 
C’estoit hideur, à dire verité, 

Que le pays en estoit travaillé. 


Tant en la mer comme en la terre aussi 
I1z ont regné longuement à l'office ; 
Maiz le bon roy ha chassé tout cecy 
De son bel arc, j'entendz, de sa justice. 
O roy Henry! que tu fus bien propice 
Pour delivrer le pays de tel mal 

On peult aller, par ta bonne police, 

En seureté et damont et daval. 


Le vi Geste. 


Le vi® geste que Herculles fist, 

Ainsi comme l'ystoire le ramayne ; 

En certain temps il advint qu'il conquist 
Menalipe, des Amasones royne, 

Et luy osta, c’est choze bien certaine, 
Sa saincture, que l'en nomme baltée ; 
De ricesse c’estoit la souveraine, 

Mais Herculles l’a doncques conquestée. 


Menalipe, je l’entendz sans eslongne 
Pour en parler alégoricquement, 

La douaire de Flandres et Bourgongne, 
Qui despence du trésor grandement 
Pour couronner et fraudulentement 

En Yrlande un nommé Pietrequin ; 
Dont el n’a pas fort bon entendement 
De despencer son bien pour ung coquin. 


142 LES DOUZE TRIOMPHES 


Desnué est de tresor et richesse, 

Pour le cuider mectre en pocession, 
Maiz le bon roy, par vertus et proesse, 
Ha d’Yrlande la dominacion, 

Et le tendra en sa subjection, 

Comme son propre et droite seigneurye ; 
Et tant d'argent mectre en perdicion, 
Chacun s’en rit comme par mocquerye, 


Par quoy je ditz quell’est done despoullée 
De baltée, c’est sa riche saincture, 

Mieulx lui vallust qu’el ne l’eust pas baillée ; 
C’est trop semé son bien à l’avanture, 

Et me semble que c’est contre nature, 

De procurer mectre en pocession 

Ung povre homme de basse geniture 


En lieu royal ; c'est grande oppression. 


Pour le présent, tous ses motz taisons les 

(On congnoist bien comme la choze est faicte) ; 
Et retournons au vaillant Herculles, 

Et ce qu'il fist à son vii* geste. 

L’ystoire dist qu'il fist belle conqueste, 

Aussi belle que aujourduy je parlasse ; 

Car il vainquist et print pour toute reste 
Dyomédes, qui estoit roy de Trasse, 


Le vijt Geste. 


Dyomèdes fust ung trescruel homme, 

Et desloyal sur tous les desloyaulx ; 

Mourir faisoit les passans ainsi comme 

Ilz passoyent. Il estoit traistre et faulx. 
Sur sa terre, et par montz et par vaulx 

Les estrangiés guetoit, pour les occire, 

Et les faisoit menger à ses chevaux, 

Et ne mangoyent d’aultre avoyne, à vray dire. 


DE HENRY VII. 


Qui prendrons nous pour cest homme cruel 
Et inhumain? Avoir il fault regart, 

Vous aves ung gendarme nouvel, 

Qui se nommoit par nom Martin Suart; 
Qu’en dictes vous? II, venoit il bien tart 
Pour menacer à faire montz et vaulx? 

Je dis que non. Car il receupt sa part 
Pour sa paine avecque ses travaulx. 


Il menagoit tous ceulx de la querelle 

Du noble roy à estre tous tués ; 

Mais, Dieu mercy et la Viérge Pucelle, 

Ses menaces furent bien remués ; 

Luy et ses gens furent à mort rués 

En my le champ, et n’y a point de doubte 
Ses complisses furent destitués, 

Et receuprent leur tauxacion toute. 


Aussi dit on, qui compte sans son hoste . 
Que cest compte à deux foys. Il est vray; 
Car ilz pensoyent faire dancer la note 
Qu'ilz danserent en trespiteux arroy. 

Or de ce fait plus je ne parleray. 

A la vili® geste nous faut venir, 

Et abréger en tout que je pourray 

Sur le propos que je veulx maintenir. 


Le viij Geste. 


En ceste viliS Herculles combatist 

Le grant toreau à grant force de luyte, 
Par son effort tant fist qu'il abatist 
Et subjuga de sa bonne conduicte. 
Ceste œuvre fust d'une grande mérite, 
Et y acquist alors une grant gloire. 
Aussy fust el de par les Grecz escripte, 
Et en sera eternelle mémoire. 


143 


144 LES DOUZE TRIOMPHES 


Le noble roy que ail fait? À l'encontre 
De ce toreau ne ail point luyté ? 

Si ha vrayment, et le fait nous le monstre 
Comme vaillant plain de ingenuité. 

Le roy d’Escosse par son habilité 

À subjugué, et toute sa partie 

Par son sens l'a tellement apointé 

Qu'il fait de luy son vouloir en partie. 


James tel heur ne fust à roy donné 

Comme à cestuy, et croy c'est don de grace. 
Quelle choze qu’Envye ait ordonné, . 

James sur luy n'en courust sa menace. 

Il vainct tousjours quelque choze qu'il fache, 
Et resiste comme victorieux. 

Or fault il voyr plus oultre en ceste place 
Son ix® triumphe glorieux. 


Le 12° (este. 


Nous parlerons icy premièrement 

Que Herculles fist en son ix° geste. 

Il besongna si vertueusement 

Que du grant roy Gerrion fist conqueste. 
Ce Gerrion avoit plus d’une teste 

(Troys en avoyt, se dyent par fiction 
Les bons poètes), et pourtant je m'areste 
Dire que c’est à mon intencion. 


Roy de Gades ce Gerrion estoit. 

Des troys testes dont il est mention, 
C’est à cause que deux frères avoit, 
Eulx troys estans tous d'une opinion, 
Aussi d'un veul vivans en union. 
Vela pour quoy les poètes adviserent 
Que Gerrion seroit par fiction 

Dist troys testes, ainsi en disposerent. 


DE HENRY VIL 145 


Ce Gerrion le roy dist à troys testes, 
Tresriche estoit touchant d’or et d’avoir, 
Et sy avoit les grands monceaux de bestes, 
Comme l'ystoire nous le fait à sçavoir. 
Herculles fist tellement son debuoir, 

Qui le conquist à sa subjection. 

Or nous fault il tout cecy recepvoir 

Et ramener à la nostre action. 


Ha le bon roy conquis ce Gerrion ? 

Ouy vrayment. J’en croy tous les humains. 
Des troys testes qui y sont lescairon, 

La premiere c’est le roy des Romains, 

Puis l’archiduc, l’aultre ne plus ne mains 
La douaire ; se sont toutes ensemble 

Les troys testes, et ne sont pas fains 

De destruyre ce roy, comme il me semble. 


Or, quoy qu’il soit le roy les ha conquis, 
La magnicre jamais n’ont sentant faire 
Que le bon roy, par son bon sens acquis, 
N'ait subjugué tout leur maulvais affaire. 
Et tant de foys ilz ont cuidé deffaire 

En exposant grans deniés pour ce faict ; 
Mes Dieu qui vit ne veult laisser forfaire 
Son bon amy, mais a leur fait deffaict. 


O noble roy! Puisque Dieu t'a fait ayde 
Tu n'as gardé d'avoir adversité. 

Pren foy en luy, puis qu’il est ton remyde ; 
Il t'aydera en ta necessité. 

En quelque temps, soit yver ou esté, 

Ne l'ouiblye point. J’ay tousjours regardé 
Ung proverbe qu’on dist de vérité— 

Ce que Dieu garde est tousjours bien gardé. 


146 


LES DOUZE TRIOMPHES 


Le x* Geste. 


Sy nous fault il au dixiesme venir, 

Et dire ainsi comme la choze advint. 
Quant Herculles eust par son maintenir 
Prins Gerrion, toultes ses bestes print, 

Lors ung larron, nommé Cacus, survynt, 
Qui les bestes voulloit toutes rescourre ; 
Mais Herculles tant en garde se tint, 

Qu'il fust besoing au larron de bien courre, 


De ce Cacus ung pou nous parleron, 

Que c'est, et quoy, et qui peult resembler. 
De nature il estoit grant larron 

Qui n'avoit fait aultre choze que embler. 
De sa bouche eussies veu assembler 

Ung tresgrant feu gettant par habondance. 
Sil ne feist il pas Herculles trembler ; 

Il le chassa par force et vaillance. 


Ou fuyt il, Cacus? Pour abrégier, 

Il est besoing que cecy je discerne. 

Tost Herculles le fist bien desloger 
Legèrement, sans torche ne lanterne, 

Et se cacha dedens une caverne, 

Là où estoyent plusieurs aultres larrons ; 
C'est ung endroit où l’ung l’aultre gouverne 
De tout cecy fault qu'on le desclairons. 


Pour les bestes je prens aulcuns souldars 
Qui descendus sont fraudulentement 

En ce pays, pour faire les regnars 

Et destruyre le roy totallement. 

Ils furent prins et conquis vaillamment, 
Et emmenées en despit du larron. 

De ce larron je n’entendz aultrement 
Que Pietrequin, comme nous le diron. 


DE HENRY VII. 147 


Ce Pietrequin voullut après venir, 
Lequel cuida ses bestes despescher, 

Mes il ne sceut par ou nulle tenir 

Et luy fust force de bien tost desplacer. 
Ce feu gettant, c’estoit son menacer, 
Car il pensoit faire de graus oultrages ; 
Mais le bon roy le fist tantost cacher 
En Yrlande avecque les sauvages. 


Et touteffois encor recorderons 

Que en Yrlande asses je me recorde. 

C'est la caverne là où sont les larrons 

De sa sorte, gens de sac et de corde, 

Où il n'y a paix, amour, ne concorde, 

Fors traysons et œuvres trop infectes ; 

Mais quoy qu'il soit, il fault bien qui l’acorde 
Que maulgré luy sont demourés ses bestes. 


Le xj [Geste] 
L’onziesme fust quant Herculles tira 
Le chien d’enfer qu'on nommoit Cerbérus. 
Et tellement le dit chien martira, 
Qui le deffit en son lieu ne fust plus. 
Or estoit il des infernaulx palus 
Le grant portier, et si avoit troys testes. 
Mais Herculles l’a de ses jours conclus 
Et le vainquist par ses gestes honnestes. 


Qui prendrons nous Cerbérus & troys testes? 

Je les entendz pour ses troys capitaines, 

Qui furent prins, quant et les aultres bestes, 
Aulx quelz on a bien fait serrer les vaynes 
Pour leurs travaulx, et aussi pour leurs paines 
En ont receu leur debuoir et salaire. 

Et myeulx vauldroyt avoir fiebures quarte[ines ?] 
Que entreprendre cela qu'ilz vouloyent faire. 


1 Om. MS. 3 Cut off in the margin of the MS. 
K 2 


148 


LES DOUZE TRIOMPHES 


L’ung fust Jennot, l'aultre Quentin, aussi 
Avecque Beld, cest nom dyabolique. 

De trayson la fin en vient ainsy : 

Qui mal fera, en fin mal luy replicque ; 
Pourtant poeuple de la nature Anglicque 
N'ayes le cœur si vil ne aterry, 

Que ne soyes pour votre bien publicque 
Bons et loyaulx au noble roy Henry. 


Le xije Geste. 


Le xiie vault bien que je compille, 

Où Herculles fist ung beau fait encor, 
Car il conquist le grant dragon Maxille, 
Pour acquerir le jardin de trésor 

De Espérides, où croyssoient pommes d'or. 
Au grant dragon sa force ne vallust ; 

Par puissance et a cry et a cor 

Il y entra, quique voyr le voullut. 


Pour le dragon robuste et ancien, 

N'est entendu de moy, ne plus ne mains, 
En cest endroit que Maximillien, 

Qui se clame et dit roy des Romains, 
Qui a gardé la porte soirs et mains 

De ce jardin et beau lieu de plaisance, 
A empescher ledit à toutes mains 
D'avoir l'amour au noble roy de France. 


Le roy Henry a ce dragon vaincu, 

Car au jardin il a fait son entrée ; 

En bonne amour les deux roys ont vescu, 
Ainsi comme ja pieca c’est monstrée, 

Ja ne sera se Dieu plait sequestrée ; 
Comme cousins et parens se aymeront ; 

Les bons marchans d'une et d’aultre contrée 
En seureté aller venir pourront 


DE HENRY VII. 149 


Puis ha ce roy conquis le beau trésor 

Qu'il a coeully au jardin de plaisance, 

C'est à scavoir les dictes pommes d’or, 

Je les entendz les fleurs de liz de France, 

Du roy Françoys à la bonne aleance ; 

Dieu les veuille en amour maintenir, 

Qui aulx deux roys vouldroyt quelque grevance, 
Il y puisse de bref mal advenir. 


Or demeure ce Maximilien, 

Tout rebouté ainsi comme inhabille, 

Car il n'a sceu trouver tour ne moyen 
Pour empescher le beau jardin fertille ; 

Il est tout seul en labeur inutille 

Mort au monde, sa puissance enfermée 
En fin sera, vesquist il des ans mille, 
Sans nul beau faict de quelque rénommée. 


Or ayge dist les gestes principaulx 

Que Herculles fist, qui sont de grant mémoire; 
Mes je treuve les triumphes plus haulx 

Du roy Henry, et de plus grande gloire. 
Raison pour quoy: tousjours optient victoire 
Contre Envye, sa mortelle adversaire, 

Par sa vertu et ceuvre meritoire ; 

Ce que Hercules en la fin ne sceut faire. 


Comme Envye fist Herculles finer, 

C'est bien raison que je le vous entâme. 
Le santaure Nessus voullut mener 

Passer le fleuve de la tresbelle dame 
Dyanyra; or estoit ce la femme 

De Herculles ; lequel quant il le vist, 
Grant mal luy fist, car se luy estoit blasme 
Que le sentaure sa femme luy ravyst. 


LES DOUZE TRIOMPHES 


Il print son arc et sa saete venemeulse, 
Et le santaure de son traitt asigna ; 

Il dist tantost que de la playe honteuse 
Il en mourroit, car nul remyde n'a; 

Sa chemise de son sang il broulla, 

Et avisa qu'il rendroit le plaisir 

À Herculles sa chemise bailla 

A la dame, et l'en voullust saisir, 


En luy disant, “ Dyanira la folle 

Ne prens tu point aultre mélencolye ; 
Ton mary tient par amours dame Yolle, 
Qui est fille au roy Aetollye ; 

Je’n osteray asses tost la follye, 

Ce faire veulx ce que je te diray, 
James n’yra, de toulte sa vie 

Il n'aymera aultre femme que toy.” 


Dyanira tost de santaure creust, 

En demandant ce quelle debuoit faire, 
Qui au parler du santaure sesmeut, 
Cuidant l'amour de Yolle deffaire : 

Le santaure lui dist, comme faulsaire, 
Se ma chemise tu peulx faire vestir 
A Herculles comme il t’est nécessaire, 
Aultre que toy ne vouldra revertir. 


Dyanyra, mal informée du cas, 

À Herculles envoya la chémise, 

Et la bailla au messagier Lichas, 

Pour luy porter, dont el fust mal aprise ; 
Or Herculles, sans mal penser, la prinse, 
Et la vestit ; par quoy, à bref parler, 
Toute sa chair fust tantost si emprise 
Qu'il se voullust au feu faire brusler. 


DE HENRY VIL 151 


Dessus le mont que se nomme Ouete, 

Fist faire ung feu, quant veist qu'il ne peult 
mieulx ; 

Et la vollust faire en piteuse feste 

Sacrifice de luy à tous les dieux 

Finant ses jours. O trèschévaléreux ! 

Ce sort icy te fust fort dommageable, 

Quant en tes jours as este sy heureulx ; 

Et pur ce sort est ta fin pitéable. 


O Dyanira, de légère crédence ! 

Qui le santaure creulx ainsi déléger, 
N’avoyes tu point en toy de congnoissance 
Qui se voulloit de ton mary venger? 

Ton envye luy porta grant danger, 

Dont noblesse vengance de toy crye ; 

Ta jalouzie a fait & mort renger 

Le plus noble de la chevalerye. 


Or Herculles avoit tousjours vaincu 
Contre envye et toute sa malice, 

Maiz maintenant en sa fin fust deceu. 
Doù vient cecy? Estoit il bien propice ? 
Je dicz que ouy ; à cause de son vice, 
Ow il regna froissant son mariage ; 

Alors permit la divine justice 

Qu'il en courust en ce mortel dommage. 


Par quoy concluds qu'il ne doibt point avoir 
Telle gloire, ny estre en tel haultesse, 

Que ce bon roy : je le fais asçavoir ; 

Pource que vice tousjours noblesse blesse, 

Ung noble cœur, qui ayme sa noblesse, 
Jamaiz vice ni le surmontera 

Jusque à la mort; par quoy je ditz sans cesse, 
Que le bon roy plus exaulcé sera. 


LES DOUZE TRIOMPHES 


Il hait vice, et pryse les vertus ; 

Il veult user de noble et bonne vie ; 

Par ce moyen ha les ventz abatus 

Que peuent souffler tous les souldars d'Envye, 
Et abatra, quelque choze qu'on dye 

Envye n'aira sur luy nullement cours, 

Car bon espoir, qui tousjours le conduye, 

Le fait estre victorieux tousjours. 


Et pourtant, roy, pren bonne pacience, 

Et bon espoir; c'est pour ta seureté ; 

Les deux vertus sont de grant conséquence, 
Ne les lesse ne d’yver ne d’esté. 

A grant paine aulcune adversité 

Ne peulx avoir; croy les beaux ditz des poètes ; 
Ilz sont & croire, car d’ancyenneté 
On les prenoit ainsi comme prophetes. 


Noble Henry, roy puissant d'Angleterre, 
Ayes fyance au grant Dieu de la sus. 
Les Mariens firent au Cyllens guerre, 
Le roy Cilla tua lors Marius, 

Qui estoit roy, et y furent confus 

Les Maryens, et tués troys cens mille ; 
Mes encore tout ne fust pas concludz 
Ne mys & mort par leur subtil setille. 


Ung aultre jour fust que tout y demoura 
Sans réchapper ; l’ystoire le desclaire. 
Tresnoble roy, de bien bref on verra 

Ta querella, se Dieu plaist, bonne et clère : 
Nul ny aira qui contre toy se ingère ; 

Tes anemys en fin subjugueras. 

Pacianment ung pou seuffre et espère, 

Car en la fin toute victoire airas 


DE HENRY VII. 153 


Poeuple dévot, prions tous humblement 
Les Dieu des dieux pour la bonne victoire 
Du roy Henry ; qu'il vive longuement 

En son regne de triumphe et de gloire. 
Son noble sang puisse en ce territoire 
Regner en paix et glorieusement, 

En priant tous qui voirres ceste hystoire 
Qu'ilz excusent mon simple entendement. 


FIN DUDICT. 


me ee —— me cm + 


ŒOO_ sms ss. 


ss Ze D‘ D _ _ ” 


JOURNALS OF ROGER MACHADO. 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 


Jh'us an° 1488. 


Westmistre. 


Memorandum, que le Roy Hanry d'Angleterre et de A.D. 1488. 

France et Seigneur d'Irlande le vij™ de son nom Embassy 
amvoya une embassade en Espaigne et en Portugall Spain and ~ 
le quatrisme an de son reigne en l’an de grace 1488 le Portagal. 
XXJm, Jour de Decembre. Et estoint les ambassadeurs > Name of 
mester Thomas Salvaige docteur en loye pour chief, et the ambas- 
mis" Richard Nanfan chevalier pour le coprs du roy "rs. 
& ce mesmes jour fait chevalier sus les mans entre 
Westminster et Sien le second de ladicte embassade, 
et Richemonde Roy d’Armes de Norrey', assyné de 
par le Roy de attendre et acompaignier ladicte ambas- 
sade pour toute celle journée que en Espaingne que 
en Pourtugal ils seroint. 

Item, apres que les dicts ambassadeurs avoint prins A.D. 1489. 
leur congié du Roy leur Souverayn Seigneur ilz mere em- 
allerent à prendre leur paissaige en la ville de Hamp- Routier 
thone. Et en leur compaignie une ambassade du Roy To Tan” 


com eee ae A SN ue 


1 Roger Machado, the writer of this narrative. 


A.D. 1489. 


and are 
driven 
back to 
Plymouth, 
20 Jan. ; 


1 Feb. 


and again 
to Fal. 
mouth. 


158 MACHADO'S JOURNAIS. 


de Castille}, lesquelz avoint esté en cestui royaulme 
d'Angleterre aveques ledit Roy Hanry par l’espace 
de ung an ou environ. Lesquelz embassadeurs estoint 
nommés, le premier Rodrigo Rodrigez De la Poubla 
docteur en loys, mis" Jehan de Sepoulvada cheval- 
lier de la Maisson du Roy de Castille, le quell avoit 
une commissyon par soy depar la Roynne vers ledict 
Roy Hanry. Et ce dict® chappelain avoit nom Don 
Martin de Torres. Ces dicts embassadeurs, que de 
Angleterre et de Castille, partirent tous en une 
compaignie en deux navieres d'Espaingne hoors de 
la ville de Hampthone le xix jour de Janivier à 
Yeure de mydi et furent toute celle nuit en la mer. 
Et landemain au matin a cinc heures ou emviron le 
vent se sanga et force estoit de plus prendre l'avene 
de Pleynmue en Angleterre. E là estoint juques 
le premier jour de Feverier. Et ce dict premier jour 
de Feverier sont partis de la dict ville de Pleymue 
environ de une heure apres mydi; et estoit cellui 
jour la veille de nostre Dame le Chandelleur. 

Apres que les dicts enbassadeurs estoint partis et 
soy mis ala mer il y furent toute celle nuit, et 
avoint bon vent toute celle nuit joques a l'environ 
de trois heures apres mynuit; et alors le vent 8e 
calmist et changa au West, et apres au Sudest, et 
estoit sy contraire que force leurs estoit de prendre 
le port de Fallamue. Mes avant que ilz pouvoint 
gaingnier le dict port ilz furent sur la mer toute celle 
veille de Notre Dame et le jour de Notre Dame Et 
landemain de la Notre Dame ilz ariverent à la terre 
de Fallamue, qui estoit le tiers jour de Feverier, et 
ariverent aveques grande tempeste de vent, pluie, et 


' Originally written Spaingne, ? d'Espaingne corrected in both 
and correcied, these places. 
| * Sic in MS. 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 159 


mauves et riguereurs tamps. Et en ceste ville de A.D. 1489. 
Fallamue ces dicts embassadeurs se tindrent avant 5 Feb. 
que auchun tans leurs vient pour partir l’espasse de 

x jours. 

Et pource que au commancement de cestui lyvre Names of 
Javois oublyé de mettere en espcryt les noms des the hosts 
hostes ou ces ambassadeurs ont esté logiés en cestui the am- 
voiage il me souvient a present de le espcrire. Et lodged 
vray est que ces bons seigneurs prindrent leur premier 
passaige en la ville de Southt Hamptone; et estoit at South- 
logié le docteur de Castille! ala maisson de Jehan *™P: 
Gildon pour lors baillif de ladicte ville, et le chevalier 
de Castille à l’ostel de ung marchant et bourgois 
nommé Vyncent Tyt; et le chappelain de la Roynne 
de Castille estoit logié au logie sur ung aultre 
bourgois nommé Lorens Nyenbolt. Et estoit logié au 
logis de cestui chappelain et en sa compaingnie ung 
herault du Roy d’Escosse nommé Snoudon, lequell 
estoit amvoié en Castille de par son Souvereyn Seigneur 
le Roy d’Escosse. Les enbassadeurs du Roy d'Angle- 
terre mon souverain Seingneur estoint logiés, assavoir, 
le docteur Mester Thomas Sauvaige estoit logié sur 
ung bourgois nommé Thomas Wilsson, et mis’ Richard 
Nanfan chevalier pour le couprs du Roy estoit logié 
sur Richemonde* Roy d’Armes de Norrey pour lors 
demorant en celle dicte ville. Item, apres que sommes 
arivé à Pleymue les dicta enbassadeurs de Castille 
se sont logiés, assavoir le dict docteur de Castille sur 
ung gentijl homme nommé Nycolas Aynsle chevalier ; 
et le chappelain et le herault d’Escosse tous amsamble 
sur ung bourgois et marchant nommé Jehan Treghill. 

Et les ambassadeurs du Roy mon Souverain Seiior ; 


' Espaigne seems invariably to 2 Sur moy Richemonde, MS, ; the 
have been written in the first in- | word mey, however, is struck out, 
stance for some pages. 


160 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1489, premierement le docteur Sauvaige estoit logié sur lung 
des coustumiers deladict ville nommé Jehan Tickpeny. 
Et mis’ Richad Nanfant sur ung gentil homme et 
alderman dela ville nommé Thomas Tresauel. Et 
Richemond Roy d’Armes estoit logiés aveques ung 
nommé * *! pour lors maire de ladicte ville. 

nnd at Fale Item, apres que sommes party de Plemue sommes 
arivé & Fallamue en la ducée de Cornewaille en cestui 
royaulme d'Angleterre. Et la estoint les embassadeurs 
de Castille logiés ; le docteur sur ung marchant nommé 
Jehan Luck, et le chevalier et chappelain et le herault 
d’Escosse sur ung gentyl homme nomme Thomas Killy- 
grieu, et le docteur Sauvaige sur ung nommé Piers 
Luck frère audict Jehan Luck. Et mester Richard 
Nanfan sur ung prestre nommé Sir Jehan Oby® vicaire 
deladicte ville. Et Richemond estoit logié sur ung 
gentyll homme et escuier de la Maison du Roy 
nommé James Boynnam. 

En ceste ville de Fallamue sommes demourés la 
spase de ix jours, comme devant ay espcrit; et le xj™ 
jour apres disner se sont partis les dicts enbassadeurs 
pour prentre leur naviére, mais quant ilz sont venus 
a la Rode ilz ont trouvé le vent contraire. Et pour 
celle nuit ilz sont aller logier aupres la Rode ou 
les navieres estoint en ung villaige nommé Saint 
Mourisse. Et environ la my nuyt les maroniers de 
leur nef sont venus aveques ledict batell a querir 
lesdicts enbassadeurs. Et avant que ïlz seurent 

They re- ariver a bort dudict naviere ledict naviere  estoit 

voyage ja desoubz son tref; et ainsy sont partis les dicts 
enbassadeurs en la compaygnie de plusseurs aultres 
messieurs. 

Et toute celle nuyt et landemayn tout le jour le 
vent estoit bon. Et au soir à l'eure de x heures ou 


' Blank in MS. ? Hobby, corrected. 








EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 163 


chiez ung marchant debien, ou d’avanture ledict A.D. 1489 
Richemond trouva congnoissance à ung des serviteurs 
dudict marchant, qui par avant avoit esté en Angleterre 
pour facteur en la ville de Hamptone, et la ledict 
Richemond lui avoit fait bonne chiere, lequell il remon- 
stra à son mester pour lors ; duquel son dict mester fut 
fort contant et recuillit lesdicts ambassadeurs en la 
maison au mieulx qui lui fut possible. Et estoint tous 
deux les enbassadeurs logiés en celle maison, et leurs 
serviteurs estoint logiés en aultres maissons et hosteleries 
par la ville. Cestui marchant qui aynsy avoit logiés 
ces enbassadeurs avoit nom Farnan Gracia Delloyo. Et 
Richemond estoit logié chiez son filz qui avoit nom 
Farnan Delloyo, lui et ces seigneurs, et lui fist bonne 
chiere pour son argent. 

En celle ville heurent lesdicts enbassadeurs novelles 
du Roy de Castille qu'il estoit party de une cité qui 
a nom Vaillodolit, et estoit allé à une aultre ville qui 
a nom Medyne Del Campo. Ces dicts enbassadeurs Their stay 
demorerent en celle ville de Laredo toute celle nuit * Ieredo. 
et l’espasse de vij”°! jours de Feverier. Apres que ces 
enbassadeurs estoint venus aladicte ville le Alcayde, 
qui est le chief officier de la ville et plusseurs aultres 
bourgois leurs allerent faire la reverence et eulx offrir 
leur service et la liberté de la ville. Ces dicts 
enbassadeurs, apres que ilz estoint arivés il fist une 
sy grande nayge que force leurs estoit de eulx re- 
spousser l'espace de set jours comme jay sy devant 
espcrit. 

Et le xxiij™ jour de Feverier les dis enbassadeurs 
se partirent deladicte ville de Laredo, et allerent couchier 
celle nuit à une ville nommée Lanestossa, quelle est Arrival at 
à v lieues deladicte ville de Laredo en allapt Tanemcese. 
devers la cité de Bourgues; et est une bourgade la 


1 Sic in MS. 
L 2 




















170 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1489. Les dicts enbassadeurs estoit en la ville de Medine 
Where l'espace de deux jours avant qu’il parlerent aulx Roys 


they nye et urent audience. Et le troissieme jour, qui estoit le 


ihe de presenter leurs lettres. Et Jes vyndrent querire 
le vesque de Oveido et le vesque de Maliga ; les quels 
conduissoint mis’ Richard Nanfan, l’ung à la destre 
et l’aultre à la cenestre. Et le docteur Sauvaige fut 
mené par le conte de Monte-Rey, et le Grant Comman- 
dadeur de Callatrava allerent aveques le dorteur mester 
Sauvaige, et apres aultres seigneurs, chevaliers et 
grant personnaiges à ung grant nombre. Et aveques 
Richemond Roy d’Armes' alloit ung chevalier nommé 
Sieur Rodrigo de Mercado et mis Jehan de Sepoul- 
veda, lequell Richemond chevaulcha devant lesdicts 
enbassadeurs À une riche cotte d’armes vestue sur lay 
bordrée richement des armes d’ Angleterre. 

Account of J] estoit à l’environ de vij heures au soir avant que 

the inter- ces dicts enbassadeurs furent amvoiés querir, et estoit 
le jour failly ; mes a grant force de torches on les vient 
querir. Quant ces enbassadeurs furent aynsy menés au 
paillais ou les Roys estoint, ilz trouverent les Roys 
en une grande salle assis desoubz ung riche drap d'or 
destat. Et au my lieu du dict drap d’estat ung 
escuchon esquartellé des armes de Castille et d'Aragon. 
Et le Roy vestu d’une riche roube de drap d’or tissu 
tout en or, et fourré d'une riche fourrure de fynnes 
sablynes ; et la Royne assysse au pres delui, vestue d’une 
riche roube faite à la mode du pays comme les dammes 
du Royaulme sont accoustumés de porter du meme drap 
d’or tissu que le Roy estoit vestu. Et sus ladicte roube 
une mantelyne d’ung velours noir tout ageihé et grans 
trous affin que le drap dor de quoy elle estoit vestue 
se monstrast tout desoubz ledicts vellours ; et sur la dicte 


'In the top margin of the MS. | miere fois qu’ilz furent menés au 
here occur the words ‘ Les pri- | Roy.” 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 171 


mantelyne une roye pas royé mais faicte comme une A.D. 1489. 
maniere de roye toute fayte en billettes de la longeur 
d’ung doy et de la largeur de demy doy, tout d'or massis. 
Et chacune byllette garny de fynnes pierres precieulxses, 
la plus riche chose que jamay nulz hommes virent le 
parayl Ladicte Royne estoit sayngcte d’une senture 
de quir blanc fayte à la mode que les hommes sont 
acoustumés de porter; Ja quelle centure estoit garnie 
la gebeciere d’ung grant ballais dela grandeur d'ung 
esteus entre cinc riches diamans et aultres pierres 
presieusses dela grandeur d’une feve. Et la senture 
ensuivant d’aultres plusseurs grandes pierres precieusses 
à grant nombre. Elle avoit au col ung riche collier 
d'or tout de rosses blanches et rouges. Et chacune 
rosse garnie d'une grande pierre presieusse. Aultre ce 
elle avoyt deux rebons pendent de chacun costé de sa 
poitryne garnis de grans diamans, ballais, rubys, perles, 
et aultres plusseurs pierres presieusses et de grant 
valleur juques au nombre de ung cent ou plus. Sur 
tout ceste abillement elle avoyt ung demy manteau 
vestu au cousté senestre jetté à travers d’ung fyn 
cramoissyn satin fourré d’ermynes qui estoyt beau à 
veoyr et fort luissant. Elle estoyt tout nu teste, fors 
tant seullement le chief derriere d’une petijte coyffe de 
plessance sans aultre chosse. Certes, comme je quide, et 
ausy comme je pour lors ouy dire je estyme que les 
abillemens que elle avoit pour lors sur elle estoint dela 
valleur de ij.c. mille escus d'or. 

Ces Rois estoynt accompaingniés de plusseurs grans Grandces 
princes, comme le conte de Haron, Connestable de * the 
Castille, le duc d’Albourquerque, le duc de Plassence, 
le conte de Benavente, le cardinal de Castille (le quell 
je doys nommer pour le primier, car il estoyt assis au 
plus prés de la Royne sur le mesmes banc), le Grant 
Commandadeur, l’admiral de Castille, le conte de Ri- 
baden, le conte de Ribadania, le Grant Commandadeur 
de Calatrave et aultres plusseurs grans contes, barons, 


A.D. 1489. 


172 MACHADO'S JOURNALS, 


evesques, chevaliers, escuiers, et plusseurs aultres nobles 
persoses' à ung grant nombre. La Royne estoit accom- 
paigné de xxxvij grandes dammes et damoisselles et de 
grant sanc, toutes richement abilliés dla mode du pays 
et en drap d'or à plusseurs aultres richesses lesquelles me 
seroyent trop longues à raconter. 

Je retourne à mes dicts enbassadeurs Pour faire 
fin, mis’ Richard Nanfan presenta la première lettre 
au Roy et lui baissa la mayn avant qu'il lui presenta 
la lettre. Et le docteur Sauvaige apres que mis' 
Richard Nanfan avoit baissé las mains d'eux deus 
Roys, le docteur Sauvayg fist en cas parayL Et 
à pres que ledict docteur avoit baissé les mains 
il presenta une aultre lettre à la Royne. Et avant 
qu'il la presenta fist une petijtte collacion à la 
Royne de xx ou xxx mos. Et apres ceste collacion 
faite ilz tous deux furent commandés soy seoir devant 
les Roys. Et Richemond fut commandé par le Roy 
soy tenir à pié deriere leurs doos. Et 1a ledict doc- 
teur fist une tresbelle et honorable prepossicion tout 
en latin, de la quelle il fut moult louué et pressé des 
grans seigneurs et prelas qui y estoint, et en eut bien 
grant honneur ; la quelle prepossicion vous ores sy apres 
plus à plain par espcrit. Apres que ladite prepossicion 
estoit faicte le Roy appella le cardinal, le connestable, 
le duc d’Alborquerq, le conte de Benavente et le vesque 
de Cida Rodrigo au consail. Et la ledict evesque de 
Cida Rodrigo fut commandé de respondre aulxdicts en- 
bassadeurs sur la prepossicion que ledict docteur avoit 
faicte, comme il fist. Mes le bon evesque estoit si 
viel et avoyt perd tous ces dens que à grant payne 
on peult entendre ce qu'il dissoit. Et apres que ceste 
responce fut faicte les dicts enbassadeurs prindrent leur 
congié du Roy et se partirent aynssy accompayngniés 





1 Sic in MS. 








EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 175 


firent ; et entrant en la chapelle trouverent les Roys AD, 1489. 
tous deus assys en la courtine, la quelle estoit de drap 
d'or bien riche, et tout ce que apartenet à leurs 
estaat ; et la chapelle toute tendue de belle et riche 
tapicherie, et l’aultel bien richement ahourné et mis en 
point. Apres que les completes estoint dictes le Roy 
print les dicts enbassadeurs aveques lui, l’ung a sa 
mayn destre et l’aultre à la cenestre, et Richemond au 
devant de lui. Et apres venoit derière lui la Reyne, 
la quelle le cardenal de Castille mena. Et ensy en- 
trerent en une grande salle, en la quelle ilz trouverent 
toutes les damoisselles de la Royne danscant aveques 
les nobles et gentijlz hommes de sa maison. Et la le 
Roy et la Royne se alerent seur & veoir la danse, et 
firent seoir les- dicts embassadeurs du costé à leurs 
mains destre, et les princes et seigneurs qui estoint 
en sa court à la main cenestre. Et apres que ainsy 
ilz estoint assis les Reys amvoierent querir la prin- 
cesse dame Isabel leur fille aynée pour venir à la 
dance ; et elle vient moult bien et richement abillié 
et se assit pres le Roy son pere à sa main destre ung 
petijt loyng de lui. 

Certes c'estoyt une riche veuue de veoir la Reyne abillié 
et la fille aussy, et xxvj dames et damoiselles toutes 
filles de grans seigneurs (et la maidre qui y estoit, 
estoit fille de Haron) ; toutes la plus part d'elles abilliés 
en drap d'or et velours et drap de soye bien richement, 
La Royne estoit toute vestue en drap d'or, une coiffe 
de fil d'or sus la teste à ung beau collier à son col 
tout garny de grans perles et au my lieu de grans dia- 
mans, gros et beaulx. Et là furent les dicts enbassa- 
deurs juques à x heures. Et alors commanderent les 
Roys à la princesse leur fille quell ala dancer une 
dance. Et elle incontinent se leva et alla prendre 
une damoisselle laquell estoit Portingalloisse ; et 
pource en la court elle n'avoit aultre nom que la 
Portingalloisse, et estoit celle que ladicte princesse 


176 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D.1489.ayme le plus Laquelle damoisselle estoit fort gor- 
graisse, et dansça aveques elle. Et apres que elle avoit 
danscée et retournée A son lieu les embassadeurs 
prindrent leurs congiés des Roys et furent conduis 
à leurs logis comme par avant, et des mesmes 
seygneurs. 

Jousts in . Le xxij” jour de mars! furent faites unes belles et 

ren a riches Justes pour l'onneur des enbassadeurs. Et 

dors. estoint les justeurs mayntenans des listes, noble 
March. homme nommé don Pedro de Tolledo, et le secont don 
Diego de Connha, contre tous allans et venans Et 
estoint les aventureurs don Hanrique Hanrique, ung 
aultre nommé Pedraires, don Diego de Velasquo, ung 
nommé Carnajal ; lequell pour celle fois eut le pris, 
car il courut le myeulx et ronpit plus de lances Jehan 
de Valasco ausy le fit bien. Don Martin de Connha 
le fist bien pour deus outrois cours, et apres il se 
partist des listes et fut le premier que saillit hors des 
listes. Innigo Lopis de Mendoga, Jehan de Lasquez 
le fist tres bien et ronpit quatre lances bien et apres 
se en partist. Don Diego Salvamonto le fit bien pour 
deux ou trois couprs Don Francisque de le Vantado 
de Andaluzia, Jannot de Visque et don Pedro de 
Castilha, le quel vient moult richement abillié et 
ausy apres cellu qui eut le pris le fist lle myeulx 
comme noble chevalier. Tous ces nobles hommes 
saillirent fort richement abilliés, et la plus part d’eulx 
avoint houcheures de drap d'or bien riche. Et eussent 
plus longuement joustés, mes dedens une heure après 
qu’il estoint entrés en les listes vient une sy grande 
pluye que force estoit de rompre toute la liste? et les 
Roys soy retirer. 
Les Roys bien honnorablement avoint ordonnés 
que les enbassadeurs estoint menés au plus pres 


' La tierse foys, MS. margin. | * Jiste, MS. 





A.D. 1489. 


178 MACHADO'S JOURNALS. 


de une roube à la mode du royaulme de ung riche 
drap d’or ticheu. Et sur celle une mantellyne toutte 
aggheyé en losainges de velours cramoissyn et noir. 
Et sur chescunne losainge une grosse margaritte. Et 
cheschun de celles margarittes ung riche ballais de la 
grosseur - d'une fesuna la plus riche chosse à veoir que 


james homme ne vist le parail. Ella avoit a son col 


ung grant collier tout carny de grans diamans ballais 
carbouches grans perles et aultres riches pierres pre- 
cieusses à grant nombre. Elle avoit sur la coiffe de 
sa teste pendant deus ballais dela grandeur de ung 
heuf de colom, et au bout des dicts ballais une grosse 
perle, lequell jueaul fut istimé qu'il vald[rjoyt bien xij 
mille escus. Et en conclusion que le abillement qu'elle 
a voit cellui jour sur elle, il n'est homme qui bonne- 
ment ne saroit istimer qu'il pourroit valloir, tant riche 
estoit. Et fut la Royne mennée par le cardenal de 
Castille. Apres la Royne vient la Infante, la fille 
aynée, la quelle estoit abillié toute en riche drap d'or 
de grant valleur, et ausy a son coll ung riche collier 
tout garny de grandes pierres precieusses. Et apres 
elle saillirent xxxvj dammes et grandes damoisselles, et 
toutes de grant sanc, et toutes abilliés de drap d'or, 
mes non pas tous d'une livrée mes tout au contraire 
l'une de l’autre, tant riche et belle chose à veoir que 
c'estoit marvelles ; la chose de la richesse de coy ces 
dammes estoint abilliés seroit une chose trop longe à 
racompter. Mes je veux revenir à aultres chose 
Apres que les joustes estoint fynies les Roys revindrent 
au pallais, et menerent aveques eulx lex enbassadeurs, 
et entrerent en! une grant salle. Et la se assirent 
desoubz ung riche drap d'estat de ung riche velours 


1 Here the writer in turning | wards filled with the account of the 
the leaf appears to have passed | ambassadors’ fourth audience (See 
over two pages, which he after- | page 180.) 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 179 


cramossin et brodré richment des armes de Castille et AD, 1489. 
d'Aragon et poudré dela devisse du Roy, lequell est 
* #1, et son mot espcrit tout de lone, le 
quell mot est “Tantos monta.” 
Et apres que les Roys estoint assys le prince se assist 
à sa main destre et la Infante ce assist d’aupres sa 
mère à sa main cenestre; et d'aupres elle estoit assys 
Je Cardinal. Et apres on fit seoir un poy plus bas au 
cousté destre du Roy les dicts enbassadeurs sur ung 
banc ; et de l’aultre cousté de la Royne estoint assis 
le conte de Haron conestable de Castille et le conte 
de Benavente et aultres. Et apres commencerent les 
menestrens à sonner, et dancerent les dames aveques 
les justeurs, les quellz estoint bien richement abilliés 
et disguissés ; et dancérent juques à x heures Et 
apres quil estoit sonné dix le Roy commanda au 
prinsce qu'il alast dancer, comme il fist, et dança tres 
bien aveques une dammoisselle laquelle il avoit soissy 
pour sa dame par amours, laquelle avoit nom * *1 
et estoit fille de * * *! Et apres que le prince 
avoit dancé alla dancer la Infante, laquelle print sa 
Portingaleisse et dansça aveques elle; et toutes les da- 
moisselles ainsamble de deus & deux dancerent en sa 
compaignie une basse dance. Et après qu’elle avoit 
dancé celle basse dance la dance cessa pour celle nuit ; 
et se retirerent hors dela salle toutes les dames et da- 
moisselles. Mes les Roys et le Prince et la Infante 
donne Issabelle demorerent aynsy assys en leurs plasses. 
Et J& fut la table misse devant eulx. Et porteren 
l’eaue es mayns aulx Roys Et quant on aporta l’eaue 
le prince se leva dela tabla, et alla tenir la touaille à 
son pere et à la Royne sa mère. Et apres s'alla seoir 
à son lieu pres de son pere à sa main destre ung poy 
bas ver le bout de la table, et le porta on l’eaue. Et 
en cas pareil à sa seur la Infante. Et apres quelle 


Blank in MS. 
M2 








AD. 1489. 


26 March. 


182 WACHADO'S JOURNALS. 


riche roube de vert satin et losange en brodrie et 
ouvré del'egulle fort richement. Et par alentour du 
collet deladicte roube en maniere de collier une bor- 
dure dela largeur de deus dois, tout de grosses pierres 
precieusses et de grosses perles Et le porfil et les 
manches estoint trainnans juques à terre et fauduens’ ; 
et estoint de ung velours cramoissin, et coussu par 
dessus des grosses lectres d’or batu de la longuer d’un 
quart de verge, et estoit son mot; et sur scheschun 
lettre garnie de grosses perles, et la plus riche chose 
que jamais ne fut veu Le prince estoit abillié d’une 
courte roube juques à la braiette et chauché dunes 
chauches noires et solliés alonges pointes à-la vielle 
mode. Et la dicte roube bordreiyé du mesmes mot 
dela Royne et celles lettres d'or batu Et avoit ung 
chaperon fait en rolle à la ville mode de ung veleurs 
noir. Et la Infante donne Issabel estoit abillié d’une 
roube de drap d'or de vert à ung beau collier d'or et 
riche ; et ne lui failloint point de grosses et riches 
pierres precieusses. La tierce fille nommé donne Marie, 
laquelle est mariée ou espoussée au duc Phelippe 
de Austriche, laquelle estoit abillié de ung riche drap 
d'or de gris Et ausy ne lui failloint point de 
bonnes et riches joyes de pierres precieusses Et 
touchant de les abillemens et richesses des dames et 
damoisselles je ne le vous saroye pas mettre en escript, 
car je ne le saroie pas escrire en ung an, les desguis- 
sement et des richesses de leurs changes qu’ilz ont eu 
vestus achescunne fois que cestes festes ont durés. 
Et pource je ne saroye tant dire qu'il ne soit beaucop 
plus. 

Le xxvj™ jour de? mars lesdicts enbassadeurs estoint 
nmvoiés querir pour faire fin de les conclussions de 
telles choses comme ilz avoint a faire. Mais pour ce 





1 Or funduens ? 3 de, repeated in MS. 





> Mr 


2 Arch 


1% Wwe Ss JU RSALS 


‘bem je es Eows eure avons ordonnés à dunner, c'est 
eee qm es es Rovs hears donna à cheschun 
É AUX aa ue warser mommé en cellui Royaulme 
2: Case ug cheval tend, et ung jenet morisque 
a dur miss O°. x verge de draps de soies et 
ix murs ares: à cheschun d'eux; et à Richemond 
d:anerent xxv verges de drap de ave et une mule, et 


3 Jetan Nanïsne 2 bastart de monsieur Richard Nan- 
fam. eut actant comme be dt Rachemond. Et ainsy se 


excesses: ks due entesadeurs des deputés qui 
ei asim pour iecrs delivrance, assavoir le docteur 
Tacusvere. » seretaire Farnand-Alvarez et ung nommé 
à:e Dien à Garmar. qu pear lors fut ordonné de 
ar en Amrecerre. ec k duteur de Poyble et Jehan 
ee Secuciwade cevawr de Ia maison du Roy. Et la 
Get qrvevn: en Ga ikte ville de Medine lesdicts enbas- 
hey rar ever de Lij jours apres que les Roys 
esacizi parti Es le Gerrain jour de mars sommes 
part Ge is dxte vie de Meine en vers Portugal; et 
Rome aller dimer en uny villaige delà Medine nommé 
Rte gui et à trois teas de la Medine Et de 
Réel e ant ale: aactier a une autre villaige, qui 
& = Razama ec est quatre lieuas de Bobadilhe. Et 
x PS par Csvri swat partis de Ragama. et sont 
Rows Ssrer à te VAL RME Salmoral qui est à à 
AUTRES 
rer 5 un villaize numme Diogalar, qui sont 
autres Enyp Gees De Diogacuere sont parts le ij)™ jour 
avr. et sour ales disner au Pont de Cagvsto, qui sont 
autre G5} Geox Et duo Pent de Cagusto sont allés 
skier A une vile pemmeve Beizar de Castamghaur 
Cu sont aultres ll) Deus 

Fs eeste ville de Beivar hont trouves les dicts enbas- 
Kéeurs ie due de Prazencia, lequel estoit arivé le soir 





' Qu, a word omitted here ? 





186 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1489. cellui jour demourreren en Ia dict cité logiés aveques lui 
en sa maison. Et la disnerent et soupperent en leurs 
chambres, mes non pas aveques lui pour ce qu'il voulloit 
tenir compaignie 4 madame sa femme. Et pource que 
ce! n’est pas la coustume de pais que les femmes ne 
vienent jamais mangier en la compaignie de estran- 
giers, pource estoit la cause qu'ilz estoint à par eulx. 

5 April Et landemain qui estoit le dimanche dela Pacion ils 
ouirent messe en la mesmes maison. Et apres les messe 
desinnerent tres bien. Et estoit le v™ jour. Et allerent 
monter à cheval. Et ledict Seigneur Don Francisque 
mesmes monte sur ung beau jennet et les conduit hors 
dela cité, et 1A print son con congiet d'eux. Et cellui 
soir ilz allerent couchier à une bourgade nommée 

Richmond Canhaveral qui est vij lieus de la Plazencia. Et de 

arty, the Canhaveral 14 Richemond est party des dicts enbas- 

6 April. sadeurs, et chevaucha devant pour aller leur venue * 
en la premiere ville du royaulme de Pourtugal Et 
le vj™ jour au matin se partist et alla repestre en 
une bonne bourgade nommé Rue de Poirquo; et est 
à vij lieus de Canhaveral, et a une reviere a passer 
par bateau, qui est à deus lieus de la Canhaveral, la 
quelle reviere a nom Teigo. Et court celle reviere 
juques & la cité de Lixbone au royaulme de Por- 
tugal. Et de Rue de Poirquo ledict Richemond est 
allé couchié cellui soir an ung bois en quoi il ne avoit 
que deus maissons, qui estoit à v lieus de lA Rue de 
Poirquo, et a nom cellui lieu des deux maison La 
Vente. De La Vente il est allé disner à une ville 
nommé Albourquerque qui est a iiij lieus de là La 
Vente. Et de Alborquerque est allé couchier en la 
ville de Elvas® qui est a vj lieus de Albourquerque. 
Et cestui Elvas est au Royama de Portugal, une bonne 





\ ce, repeated in MS. 3 The words en Portugal are here 
3 Sic, a word being evidently | interlined in a different ink. 
omitted after aller. 





188 MACHADO'S JOURNALS, 


A.D. 1483 sadeurs, assavoir ung plain painhier de peichon de 
eaux duulce et de mer à grant planté comme de vin 
pain et fritaille, et plusseurs aultres choses à grant 
planté. 

Ces dicts enpassadeurs demorerent en celle ville 
Florie! en ladicte ville de Elvas Et apres que la messe 
fut dicte les Sarasins et leurs femmes vindrent dancer 
devant les dicts enbassadeurs, et ausy firent les jouurs 

They leave du milleur qu'ilz pouvoint. Et le xiij jour d'avril les 

“3 April dicts enbassadeyrs se partirent vers le Roy an la com- 
paignie du jengil homme de la maisson du Roy, le 
quell le dict Roy avoit anvoié pour conduire lez dicts 

, enbassadeurs. Et furent comduits juques à hors de 
ladicte ville par les estas et gouverneurs dela dicte ville 
le plus honnestement que faire le pouvoint. Et cellui 
mesmes xiij™ jour d'avril allerent couchier à une ville 
nommée Ville Vicossa, et est à iiij lieus de la Elvas 
en allant vers Beiga là ou le Roy estoit. 

En celle Ville Vicossa et? venue ung chevalier devers 
les enbassadeurs de par le Roy et leurs dict que le Roy 
se saluet a eulux et leurs amvoioit dire que pource 
que ilz estoint entrés en la Semaine Sainte et que de 
coustume il estoit acoustumé de soy retrere & une 
eglisse le jeudi oure au mandé, et ne saillir hors de 
ladicte eglisse juques à vespere de Pasques apres que 
la gran messe est dicte, il pource lui sambloit que il 
seroit melheur de demourer les Pasques en celle dicte 
Ville Vicossa que de aller plus avant, pour ce que celle 
ville estoit la milleure qui estoit juques à JA ou le 
Roy estoit, mes que de tout pourtant il le metet à 
leur discrecion. Et lesdicts enpassadeurs respondirent 
que il leur sambloit milheur leur estoit ilz allassent 
juques à une journée pres du Roy. Et le dict 


1 Palm Sunday fell on the 12th 3 Sic, for est. 
of April in 1489. 





190 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1489. pais et de courre des toures et luiteries, en leur fais- 

Are met by Sant tout le esbat et delit que possible estoit. Vray 

the chan- est que à une lieue de’ cestui bourgade nommée La 

Portugal Vedegeira ou la maisson du Roy se tenoit vient le 

degeire, rant chanchelier de Portugal bien acompaignié de 
plusseurs nobles et bonnes personnes, comme de cheva- 
liers et docteurs et procureurs, avocaas, escuiers et 
aultres bonnes gens juques au nombre de cent chevalx. 
Et là ledict chanchelier fijt une grande arengue aulx 
dicts enbassadeurs de par le Roy son Souverain Senhor; 
la quelle arengue la conclussion estoit que ledict Roy 
son Souverain estoit fort joyeulx de leur venue, et que 
en son royaulme ilz estoint les bien venus et nenpas 
comme estrangiers mes comme gens de son Royaulme 
propre, car il tenoit le Roy d'Angleterre son soussin 
comme son propre frère et vray amy et ainsien allié, 
et pour ce que il estoint les myeulx venus en son Roy- 
aulme que nulx aultres, de quelquonques nacion qu'ils 
fussent. 

Apres ce cestui araingue fut faite par ledict chan- 
chelier, le docteur Sauvaige comme noble homme lui 
respondist sur ladicte araingue tellement que ledict 
chanchelier et teus les aultres chevaliers qui estoint 
en sa compaignie lui donnerent ung grant lous. Et 
ainsy apres ce fait chevaucherent amsamble juques à la 
dicte bourgade, Et là les dicts enbassadeurs disnerent 
aveques ung chevalier nommé mis" Alvaro de Caminha. 
Et apres qu'’ilz avoint disné le dict chanchelier les vient 
querir tout àcheval à leurs logis, et chevaucha en leur 
compaignie en allant vers la ville de Beige ou le Roy 
estoit. Et quant ilz estoint à une lieve près deladicte 
ville, là ilz furent rencontrés par le grant chenechal 
de ‘Portugal, le capitaine de Portugal et ung aultre 
baron nommé mis’ Ruy de Soussa, les quelz les reçurent 


' ce, MS. 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 191 


de par le Roy leur dict Souverain. Et ainsy cheval- A.D. 1489. 
querent juques a ce quilz vindrent à demy lieue 
pres de la ville. Et là de rechief furent rencontrés 
par plusseurs nobles seigneurs, assavoir le marquis 
de Ville Real et comte de * *! le comte de 
Marialva, le comte d’Abraynches, le comte de * #1, 
et plusseurs aultres grans seigneurs et grans barons 
et chevaliers et escuiers, et aultres plusseurs nobles 
gens à grant nombre, tous montés de bons et beaulx 
chevaulx et muilles et bien abilliés Et ainsy chevaul- 
cherent juques à ung quart du lieu pres de la ville. 
Et là de rechief furent rencontrés par l’evesque de 
Lamego, le vesque de Ceupte et le prieur de l'ordre 
de Saint Jehan nommé le prieur de Crato, et plus- 
seurs aultres chevalliers et heraulx et trompettes, les 
quelles ne faissoint que sonner juques à ce quilz 
estoint entrés dedens la ville. 

Et quant ilz estoint A ung trect d'ark de la dicte Arrive at 

ville, à la porte de la dicte ville avoit une belle et aute 29°; 
et forte tour toute cantonnée de pierre de marmere. 
Et estoit celle tour toute plaine de banieres, et sur les 
places * estoint des canoniers plusseurs qui tiroint des 
coups de canons plusseurs. Et apres que les cannons 
estoint cessés commenserent à sonner les menestreurs 
de leurs cherumbelles et saqueboutes marevilleusse- 
ment bon à ouir de sy hault comme ils estoint en 
celle tour. Et ainsy furent menés en leurs logis de 
tous ces gens qui estoint bien en tout juques au 
nombre de vij à vi. c. chevaulx. En leurs logis ilz 
trouvoint leur soupper prest à grant plenté de bonnes 
viandes, de pain, vin, et tout ce que leur failloit, 

Et landemain qui estoit le xxiij™° jour d'avril les 22 April. 
enbassadeurs furent queris pour aller devers le Roy par 
le vesque d’Evora et le vesque de Ceupta et plusseurs 


1 Blank in MS, | * Sic, for rzij™. 
2 places or plans? 


A.D. 1489. 


and deli- 
ver their 
credentials 


tothe King. 


26 April. 


28 April. 


192 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


nobles. Cestui jour estoit la veille de Saint Jorge, et 
là les enbassadeurs, assavoir mis’ Richart Nanfan, 
delivra les lettres au Roy. Et le docteur Sauvaige 
fist la preposiscion, la quelle estoit bien faite et bella 
à ovuir de laquelle il eut ung grant lous et honner. 
Et apres la dicte prepsascion faite le Roy les print 
& lui et devissa ung petijt a eulx, et apres allerent 
baisser la main au prince et salluer le duc de Visseu 
coussin jermain du Roy et frere de la Royne de Por- 
tugal. Et après ce fait le Roy leur demanda se ilz 
voulloint aller ouuir les vesperes de Saint Jorge et 
ilz respondirent que ouy, et ainsy conduisserent le 
Roy juques à Jeglisse. Et apres les vespres dicts 
les dicts enbassadeurs conduisserent le Roy juques à 
hors de l’eglisse. Et là le Roy leur commanda de 
s'en aller à leur logis. Et furent conduis par les 
mesmes personnes qui les avoint menés par de vers 
le Roy. Landemain qui estoit le xxiij™ jour! Le 
xxvj™ ? jour le Roy fist courre des toures pour l’amour * 
des enbassadeurs. Et alla le Roy et la Royne bien 
richement abilliés tout deus, et tous les gentijlz femmes. 
Et estoit beau à veoir le Roy et la Royne chevau- 
chier ansamble. 

Et ce mesmes jour les dicts enbassadeurs dinerent 
aveques le vesque dEvara qui est cousin du Roy et a 
nom * #4 Jequel leurs fist ung grant disner. 
Et disnerent en leur compaignie plusseurs nobles che- 
valiers de son lynaige et aultres. Le mardi qui estoit 
le xxviij™ jour d'avril ilz heurent ung grant disner 
aveques le capitaine de Tanger nommé Don Jehan 
de Menesses, lequel leur fist une grande feste, et eut 
plusseurs nobles hommes à disner en leurs compaignie. 
Ilz furent receus à leur disner aveques plusseurs 


1 Sic. Sentence left incomplete. 3 la mo’, MS. 
2? Sic, for rri). # Blavk in MS. 





194 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1489.]e Roy eut dancé, alla dancer le duc aveques une 


The king 
dismisses 
the am- 
bassadors, 
23 May. 


damoisselle. Et dedans ung poy apres le prince alla 
dancer une aulte dance aveques une damoisselle. Et 
dedans ung poy après le prince alla dancer une aulte 
dance aveques une aultre damoisselle. Et encontinent 
apres se ronpist la feste, et le Roy et la Royne se 
retirerent. Et lesdicts enbassadeurs furent conduits à 
leur logis par le chanchelier de Portugal et le vesque 
de Ceipta. 

Le jour que le dict Roy recheut ladicte Jarretiere 
il estoy abillié de une jaquette longe de fin drap de 
violet en graine, et estoit richement forodré de fill 
d'or tiré fin Et sur ce avoit ung manteau à la 
moude du pais de fin escarlatte ; les quelz abillemens 
il donna à Richemond Roy d’Armes pour son fief pour 
ce que la jarretiere lui fust presenté par lui en les 
mains de mis’ Richard Nanfan, lequel les mist tous 
sur le couprs dudict Roy. Le docteur Sauvaige lui 
fist une arainghe de par le Roy Hanry notre Souverain 
Senhor, comme il fut ellu pour ung des compaingnons 
dudict hordre pour les grans vertius et proesse qui 
estoit en lui; et aussy pour la grande amyté [et]' 
sanguinité qui estoit en lui la dicte hordre lui fut 
amvoié. 

Ainsy furent les dicts enbassadeurs en ladicte ville 
de Beige apres que le Roy avoit prins la dicte jarretiere 
l'espace d’un mois. Et furent depeschies du Roy le 
xxiij™ jour de may. Et le Roy les deffroya te tous 
les despens qu’ilz avoint faits en la dicte ville. Et fit 
donner à mis’ Richard Nanfan une coupe dorrée qui 
vallet bien xl. marcs. Et lui pailla dedens celle coupe 
ij.c. justos, qui valloint à l’environ de j.c. xx. marcs. 
Et le docteur Sauvaige heut une aultre couppe de la 
mesme grandeur et de pois ct faisson ausy douré, 


1 Not in MS. 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 195 


et dedens iij. c. espadins qui vallent lx. lb. et plus. Et AD. 1489. 
Richemond Roy d’Armes eut a lui donné en ung 
gand |. espadins qui vallent x. lb. 

Et le xxv™ jour de may lesdicts embassadeurs They leave 
partirent de ladicte ville de Beige, et furent conduits qu. 
horde la ville par le vesque de Ceupta, mis" Rui 
de Sousso, et le chancellier de Portugal et plusseurs 
aultres. Apres que ilz sensont! ainsy partis le duc 
de Beige coussin jermain du Roy amvoya apres mis 
Richard Nanfan ung cheval morisquo nommé le Teliz, 
lequell estoit nommé le milheur du Royaulme, et lui 
fist donner. Et estoit tout, selle et bride, à la moude 
mourisque. Et estoit la testiere et les estrieufs tous 
d'argent douré et estoint du pris de L marks. Et la 
couverture de la selle estoit toute bordée de fil d’or 
semmé que le dict cheval et la garniture estoit estimé 
à la valleur de ij.c. Ib. sterlings Le dict cheval lui 
fut presenté en ung villaige nommé Le Tourrom ou 
ilz sont allés couschier pour celle nuit qu'il partirent 
de ladicte ville de Beiga en allant vers la cité de 
Lixbonne et a vij. lieus hors de la dicte ville de Beige. 

Le xxvj jour de may sont allés couschier à Alcascere 
de Sal une bonne petitte ville qui est sus le borde 
de la mer. Et la sont entrés en ung batel le xxvij™ 27 May. 
jour, qui estoit la veille de la Senson”, et sont allés 
couchier à une aultre ville nomme Setonnel, qui est 
a ix. lieux de la Alcacere de Sal. Du Torron a à 
Alcacere v. lieux. Et en la dicte ville de Setonnel and arrive 
ilz sont demourés tout celui jour de la Senson Et “0 Mar, ’ 
le xxx™ jour ilz sont venus à la cité de Lixbonne. 

Et les a fait logier le Roy en son logis nommé 
les hostaulx du Rocio. En ladicte cité les dicts 
enbassadeurs ont trouvé mis" Eduard Brandon, le 
quell durant le tamps quilz ont estés en la dicte cité, 





1 Sic, for en sont. 2 Sic, for de l’ Ascension. 


N 2 








198 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1489. sud au nort tout au contraire. Et apres qu'il estoit 
venu au nort commenca a calmer. Et nous dura 
celle calme toute celle nuit juques à landemain qui estoit 
le xij™° jour de notre departement, et estoit le semmadi 
juques à l’environ de nonne. Et sur l’eure de nonne 
il saulta au sudest. Et ainsy se tient juques les trois 
heures apres midy. Et alors vient une bonne refrechure 
au sudwest qui nous dura toute celle nuit et landemain 
qui estoit dimenche et le xuj™ jour. Et venta tant 
que il nous mennoit bien trois lieus pour une heure. 
Et le plus beau temps que homme pouwoit desirer. 
Et dura cestui tamps tout cellui jour et juques à la 
minuit. Et à la my nuit au levant de la lune le vent 
de rechief se sanga au nort et nort norwest. Et 
faisoit celle matinnée qui estoit le xiïj, jour de notre 
journée faissoit ung tres leed tamps que de vent et 
grant pluie. Et alors estieons nous que à xv lieus de 
lille de Sorlingue. Et nous tient cellui vent contraire 
aveques des bruine tout cellui jour et landemain qui 

22 July, estoit le xvj™ jour’ et estoit le jour de la Madelleine. 

Arelé Grant paine nous eusmes pour doubler le cap de 

days at sea, Cornewaille, pourtant nous le doublasmes le luindi au 
soir a grante paine à quatre heures apres mydi; et apres 
que l’avions doublé cellui mesmes vent nous estoit 
tout large, pourtant c’estoit calme, pour laquelle causse 
nous ne poysmes recouvrer la terre. Et le landemain 
devant dict jour de la Madallaine nous gaignasme la 
terre de Podestou en Cornewaille. 

andlandin Et le matin à vj heures le Seigneur Richard Nanfan 

Cornwall. desendist à terre a veques toute sa compaignie. Le 
docteur Sauvaige print son congié dudict mis" Richard 
Nanfan incontinent avoit doublé ledict cap, et print sa 
routte vers Bristol aveques son naviere. Apres que ledict 


! etlandemain .... jour]. Altcred from juques à trois hcures après le 
mydi. 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 199 


mis’ Richard estoit dessendu a terre Richemond Roy A.D. 1489. 
d’Armes print son congié de s’en aller à sa maisson, 
lequell congié ledict chevalier lui otroya et lui priant que 
le dict Richemont voulsist aller dedens ung jour apres 
qui seroit arivé en sa maisson de chevaulchier vres le 
Roy a sertefijer à sa grace comme il estoit desendu 
à terre et comme ausy ledict docteur estoit allé 
dessendre à Bristol. Et ainsy le fist ledict Richemond, 
et alla celle soir couchier à ung villaige à xx. milles 
de là Padstou qui a nom Lanston. Et le landemain 
alla couchier à Excestre, qui est à xxxv milles de 
Lanston et c’estoit le xxiij™ jour de jullet Et de 
Excestre se partist le xxiiij™ jour et alla couchier 
celle nuit a Jaffbery! Et landemain qui estoit le 
xxv™ jour je allay couchier à ma maisson a Hamp- 
thone,? et la fus juques le xxvij. jour. Et le xxviij™ 
jour je arivay ver la bonne grace du Roy en son 
chasteau de Winzore ou je lui baillay novelles des 
Roys de Castille et du Roy de Portugal et de la dessente 
de ces embassadeurs en Angleterre comme des novelles 
des devant nommés Roys. Et ainsy fis fin de journée 
cellui jour le xxviij™ de jullet. 





1 Shaftesbury. 3 Southampton. 


200 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


® 


First EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 


A.D. 1490. Anno 149 ! le xij jour de juin le v an du reigne du 


5 June, 


Roy Hanry le vij™ d’Angleterre de se nom. 


Sir Robert Memorandum que le Roy notre Souverain Seigneur 


Clifford 


and Riche 


amvoya mis’ Robert Clifford chevalier de la garde de la 


mond King personne du Roy, et Richemond Roy d’Armes de Norrey, 


of Arms 

sent to 

Britanny. 
14 June. 


en embassade vers Monsieur de Rieux Marichal de 
Bertainge. Et partirent les dicts [embassadeurs*] de 
la bonne grace du Roy le xij™ jour de ce devant 
espcrit moys de juin, et prindrent le chemin vers la ville 
de Southhampthone ou ils quidoint prendre leur passaige. 
Et le dict Richemond ariva à la dicte ville de Hampthone 
l'espace de deus jours devant ledict mis’ Rober Cliffort 
pour lui hordonner son passaige, comme il fist. Mes 
quant ledict mis" Rober estoit arivé en ladicte ville de 
Hampthone et avoit veu le bateau que ledict Riche- 
mond lui avoit hordonné pour lui et pour leurs chevaulx 
ledict mis" Robert refussa ledict bateau pour ce qu'il 
estroit trop petijt, comme il lui sambloit, pour sa per- 
sonne ; car il n'estoit que de xvj. tonneaulx. Et pour 
celle cause incontinent ledict Mis’ Rober amvoya ung 
poursuivant nommé Brouk, qui estoit à monsieur le 
grant chenechal de la maison du Roy, à la ville de 
Portismue vers le clerc de la navée du Roy qui pour 
lors estoit en la dicte ville de Portismue, qui avoit nom 
Jehan Commerssal, à lui desirer qu'il lui pleut de lui 


: Sic. ? Omitted in MS. 





202 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


AD. 1490. party le vent ventet au West norwest ; tant escarsist sur 


whom 
with assis- 
tance from 
Guernsey 
they put to 
flight. 


nous toute celle nuit et landemain tout le jour que il ne 
nous estoit paas possible de gaingnier la coste de Ber- 
taingne, mes force nous estoit de prendre Pilhe de 
Garnize,’ comme nous fismes. 

Et ainsy que devions entrer au avre de Saint Pierre 
Port saillirent sur nous deux navieres de guerre, l’ung 
qui estoit de Saint Mallo et estoit de la grandeur de 
xl tonneaulx, et l’aultre estoit de Chirbourck et estoit 
de la grandeur de xxx tonneaulx. Les quelz nous 
assailhirent bien fierement ; mes nous nous defendismes 
d'eulx, à Dieu mercy, tant, que sy mester Cliffort les 
eut voullu souffrir nous les avions prins tous deux. 
Mes mester Cliffort ne voulloit pas que nous gens se 
combatissent à eulx juques à ce que premier nous ne 
fuissons miz & terre, pource que il ne se voulloit pas 
aventurer pour l'amour de la grant sarge que avions en 
notre enbassade. Et ainsy fusmes mis À terre au chas- 
teau Cornet; et la le luitenant nous vient recevoir 
aveques les saudoiers du chasteau, le quell luitenant 
avoit nom Jehan Apris.* Et apres que ainsy estions 
desendu à terre mester Cliffort pria audict luitenant 
qu'il lui pleut de lui prester auchuns de ces saudoiers 
pour aider le naviere, et que il de rechief il donnerent 
la chase aulx deus navieres des Francois ou aultrement 
il les combateroit. Et le dict luitenant dict qu'il le 
feroit tres veullentiers, et lui presta xiiij. hommes, 
lesquelz allerent abort. Et incontinent qu'ilz estoint 
abort le mester du naviere fist lever l’anquere et abatre 
le tref, et mist la chache apres eulx. Mes Je vant se 
acalmist sur eulx et les Francois n’avoint point de 
couraige de atendere, mes s’en allerent et prindrent 
la mer. Et ainsy nos gens retournerent audict avre de 
Saint Pierre Port. 


ee ee ee + | ee 


' Guernsey. * Qu. Ap Rice ? 


FIRST EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 203 


Quant nous estions venus audict port nous trou- A.D. 1490. 
vasmes 1a iiij. navieres de pelerins des François, entre 
les quelz estoit le Grant Porcon et sa fame et ung 
aultre chevalier nommé Morgan; les quelz aloint à 
Saint Jaques! en pelerinaige. En la ville de Saint 
Pierre Port arivasmes le vij™ jour dudict mois de 7 July. 
juin? Et 1a estions juques au xj™ qui estoit ung 11 July. 
dimenche ; et cellui xj™ jour au soir au solail couchant 
partismes de Saint Piere Port de ung vent de Nordest 
et arivasmes a Lantregier landemain au matin à vj. 
heures ; qui estoit le xij. jour de jullet. Et encontinent They 
que estions venu en ladicte ville là eusmes novelles que Britamny, 
monsieur le marichal estoit en la ville de Vannes. Et 12 July. 
cellui mesme jour mester Cliffort fist venir les gouver- 
neurs de la ville & lui pour lui faire provission de 
chevaulx pour cellui mesmes jour prendre sa journée 
vers monsieur le marechal, comme il fist. Et partismes 
à Venvironde quatre heures apres mydi, et alames 
couchier cellui soir à Guyngam qui est a vij. lieus de 
Lanterguer. Et quant arivasmes à la dicte ville de 
Guingam là mester Cliffort fut rencontré par le chemin 
du capitaine de la ville aveques tous les gentilz hommes 
qui estoint en garnisson desoubz lui; lequell capitaine 
avoit nom Guillhame Bas Bouchel.® Le xiij™ jour par- 
tismes de Guingam et alames cellui jour couchier à 
Rotram qui est a vj. lieus de Guingam Et de 
Rotram sommes allés repestre & une bourgade nom- 
mée Beubri qui est a vj. lieus de Rotram. Et 
de Beubri sommes alés couchier à une bourgade nommé 
Plouenguir, qui est à ii. lieus de Beubri Et de 
Pleuenguir sommes allés & Vannes qui sont cinc lieus 
de Plouenguir. 


1 St James of Compostella. author meant to write, “ Guil- 
3 Sic in MS. hame Bas Bouche. Et le xiij™* 
*Sic. But I should think the | jour.” 





FIRST EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 205 


deus ansamble Et 1A ledict mis’ Robert fist la AD. 1490. 


reverence au prince et a madame de Laval, et Riche- 
mond en cas paraill Et ainsy devisserent ung poy 
amsamble. Et apres se retira ledict Marichal ung 
petijt apart, et mis’ Robert et Richemond entre eulx 
trois Et de rechief ledict Richemond fist rompture 
sur la sarge que ledict mis’ Robert et il avoint de 
per le Roy leur souverain Seigneur audict Marechal 
tout au long; de la quelle chosse ledict Marechal se 
tenoit pour bien content et que il estoit bien joieux 
de la venue dudict mis’ Robert. Et que sur la declara- 
cion que nous lui avions fait de par le Roy notredit 
Souverain Seigneur que à landemain il parleroit aveques 
son consail Et que ledit mis’ Robert et Rychemond 
disneroint aveques lui Et que la ilz auroint plus 
large communicacion amsamble apres qu’il auroit parlé 
aveques son consail 


Pour lors que ledict mis’ Robert et Richemont estoint which the 
venus vers ledict Marechal en celledicte ville de Vannes, marshal 
_ les trois estal' de la duchié de Bertaingne estoint pour known to 
lors assamblés en ladicte ville; lesquelz estoit beswin Ue Three 
que ilz eussent congnoasance de la sarge que nous avions the Duchy, 


vers monsieur le Marechal; car la matiere touchet à 
toute la duchié de Bertaingne. Pour laquelle cause il 
estoit besoing que ledict Maréchal le declarat aulz dicts 
estats Lesquelz estats se assamblerent landemain qui 
estoit le xix. jour. Et cellui dict jour monsieur Is 
Marechal nous amvoia querir pour disner aveques lui, 
Et apres que le disner estoit fait il nous dit que il 
voullut aller aulx estats pour leurs faire réinemstranus: 
et houverture la cause de notre venue, onnme il fint, 
Et au soir allames soupper aveques lui Et alors il 


nous apointa de parler aveques nous en l'eglimm de: 


Saint Pierres, qui estoit le xx™ jour. 





‘Ge ie ME. 


19 July. 


23 July. 


MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


‘ lui xx™ jour monsieur le Marichal ne parla point 
us en ladicte eglisse comme il nous avoit apointé, 

| nous amvoia querir à l’eure de disner pour disner 
aes lui, comme nous fismes. Et quant le disner 

ait ledict Marechal nous fist entrer en sa chambre 
print aveques lui le gouverneur d’Ausserre et le 

1 roleur de Bertaingne, et 1A commencha de commu- 
mer svennas mans tonghant notre matiere, Et cellui 
mes aue ledict Marechal prendroit 
eau de Nantes ung sertain 

von 2 en toute haste je, Richemond 

vers le Roy notre Souverain 

ory haster la grande et puissante 

in preste, la faire passer en toute 

“ist ow le squeroit, pour ce que les François 
estoint à de mettere le siege devant la ville 
de Nantes. Le xxij™ jour le dict chenechal nous pria 
a soupper aveques lui, et nous dict que apres soupper 
il me expedieroit, comme il fist. Et encontinent qu'il 
avoit souppé il nous print Apart et me bailha toute ma 
sarge que il voulloit que je dirois ou Roy notredict 
Souverain Seigneur; mes me dit que il ne voulloit pas 
que je prinsse mon congié de lui juques à landemain 
au matin qui estoit le xxiij™ jour. Et à cellui matin 
il me amvoia querir à monsieur Robert Cliffort et à 
moy à l'environ de cinc heures au matin. Et quant 
nous vismes! à lui nous le trouvasmes sur monsieur le 
Prince qu’il estoit prest de menter à cheval pour aller 
à la chache, monseigneur le Prince et lui. Et là je prins 
mon congié de lui et de monseigneur le Prince ainsy qu’ilz 
voulloint menter à cheval, estant sur les rues. Et 
apres que je avoye prins mon congié de lui je allay 
prendre mon congié de monseigneur le Prince, lequell me 
pria que je le veulssisse recommander au Roy mon 





1 Sie, for vinmes, 


FIRST EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 207 


Souverain Seigneur. Et ainsy departirent lesdicts A.D. 1490. 
Seigneurs, Et apres qu'ilz estoint parts vient le con- 
troleur de Bretaigne nommé Guilham de Bongeur' 
lequell me donna lx. mailhes postules lesquelles ledict 
seigneurs marechal m'avoit amvoiés pour me defroier 
hors de la ville. 

Et apres que tout ce estoit fait et de tous je avois 
prins mon congié je desiroy au prevost de la ville de 
me faire provission de chevaulx juques 4 une ville 
nommée Hannebon ; mes pour tout ce que je povois 
faire je ne seus trouver chevaulx de louuayge pour 
tout cellui jour juques à landemain qui estoit le xxiij™ 24 July. 
jour apres disner bien deux heures. Jtem ence pendant 
que je ainsy demoray pour avoir des chevaulx survin- 
drent des novelles & monsieur le Marechal, ausy bien The 
de France que d’Angleterre. Item de France, que le marshal 
Seigneur de Guimine estoit allé de par la Duchesse important 
en France pour veoir sill vennoit avoir unes treues eon 
pour ung sertain jour com plus a plain j’ay à mon- England. 
strer par les lettres que ledict seigneur de Guimine 
avoit amvoié à la duchesse de ce qu'il avoit besongnié 
en France d’ungne part; comme les nouvelles que ung 
chevaucheur de la duchesse porta d’autre part, assavoir 
comme le Roy notre Souverain Seigneur amvoioit 
mensieur le comte de Chrosbery en Bertainge à grant : 
puissance de gens d’armes juques au nombre de viij. mille 
combattans pour le secours de la duchesse à l'encontre 
du Roy Charles de France le vj™* pour la deffence de 
ladicte duché. 

Et apres que ces novelles estoint ainsy venus vers Departure 
monsieur le Marechal, je, Richemont monteye à cheval opte, 


en la compaignie de ung secretaire de la Duchesse Mons 
1D0n. 





1 This name is doubtful. The | rative is much more hurried and 
writing in this portion of the nar- | careless than elsewhere. 
2 Sic for viij™. 








210 MACHADO’S JOURNALS, 


A.D. 1490. là, car il avoit eu des novelles comme je estoie arivé 


6 Aug. 


en ladicte ville de Hampthone. Mes quant je arivay 
en ladicte villaige de Alton, le Roy estoit des ja party 
à la chache au forest de Wilmar; auquell fores je le 
trouvay en chevaulchant vers la bourgade Fernam, et 
la je lui fis delivrance de mes lettres, qui estoit le 
vj™ jour. Et après que ainsy je lui avoie delivré 
mes lettres je lui fis la remonstrance de la credence 
que monsieur le Marichal m’avoit donnée vers lui. Et 
encontinent que je lui avois fait remonstance et hou- 
verture dela sarge que je avois eu de lui audict 
maréchal, et de rechief avois dudict marechal vers sa 
grace, sadicte grace incontinent me commanda de 
rechief de me faire prest, car force m'estoit pour 
retourner vers son coussin le Marechal, comme d’efet je 
fis. Et me despecha sadicte grace vers sondict coussin 
le Marechal dedens vj jours ou environ apres que je 
estoie venu par devers lui. Et ves sy la fin de cestui 
voiaige à mer. 


211 


SECOND EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 


ANNO 1490. 
A.D. 1490. 


Memorandum, que le Roy mon souverain Seigneur Richmond 
Hanri le vij™ de son nom m'anvoia de rechief en despatched 
Bertaigne cestui mesme an devant escript, le ix™ jour into Bri- 
d'august vers monsieur le Marichal de Bertaigne, , Aug. 
assavoir le Seigneur de Rieux. Et fus depechié du 
Roy en son manoir d’Eltam, et cellui mesmes jour 
jalay couchier à Londres. Et là je demoray ung jour 
pour me faire prest pour aller en mon voiaige. Et le 12 Aug. 
xij™ jour je partis de ladicte cité de Londres et allay 
couchier cellui jour à Fernam. Et landemain, qui estoit 18 Aug. 
le xiij™ jour, je allay repestre à Alsfort et couchier 
en Hampthone. Et & ma maisson en ladicte ville de 16 Aug. 
Hampthone je fus l’espace de trois jours. Et le xvj™ 
jour dudict mois je partis de ma maisson et allay 
couchier & Portesmude, ou je fretay ung naviere de 
Bertaingne nommé “La Marie de Saint Pol,” lequell 
cousta pour me passer viij. lb. sterlings; lequell fut 
prest dedens deus jours apres que je estoie arivé à la 
dicte ville de Portesmude. En ma compaignie estois 
pour lors ung secretaire de la duchesse de Bertaingne 
qui avoit nom mestre Michil le Gac, lequell estoit 
amvoié de vers le Roy mon mestre de par ledict 
marichal de Bertaingne. Et passames tous deux 


a A ER A we ee ete me e—ne ù — —S = ee 


1 Sic. 


o 2 


212 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1490. ansamble, et partismes de Portismude le xviij™ jour 
18 Aug. dudict mois environ à deus heures apres my nuit. Et 
monsieur le Grant Mestre en partist le matin à 
l'aube du jour. 
Et fusmes en la mer tout cellui jour et toute celle 
19 Aug. nuit. Et le xix™ jour je arivay au matin a viij. 
heures & Saint Pol de Lion, et allay couchier cellui 
jour & Morles pource que mes chevaulx y estoint Et 
cellui jour mesmes au soir en vers vj. heures ariva 
monsieur le Grant Mestre devant Morles; mais il 
n'entra point dedens, pource qu il estoit commandé 
par le Roy son Souverain Seigneur de n’entrer point 
dedens que premierement il n’eust des novelles sy 
le siege estoit devant la ville de Nantes ou non; 
et sy ledict siege n'y fut que il tengnist la mer et 
qu'il allast assaier sil porroit trouver le collon 
aveques sa compaignie en la mer; et senon, que alors 
il retornast à Morles, et là dessendist et mille archiers 
en sa compaignie, comme il fist dedens ung cinc ou 
20 Aug. vj. jours après. Le xx™ jour dudict mois je partis de 
Morles et allay couchier cellui jour à Caraes, qui sont 
vij. lieus de Morles. Et landemain, qui estoit le xxj™ 
jour je allay couchier à Hannebon. Et là je eus les 
novelles comme mis’ Richard d’Oudeville fut tué 
à Nantes des gens de monsieur d'Albret, des quelles 
jestoie bien dollent. De Hannebon je party le 
22 Aug. xxij™ jour, et allay couchier cellui jour à Vannes. Et 
là je eulx les novelles comme monsieur le Marechal 
estoit allé en France pour le trecté de pais, de quoy 
j'estoie bien courrosse et desplessant. De Vannes je 
party le xxiij”° jour et allay couchier a Pont Chasteau, 
ou je fus tres mal logié Et de Pont Chasteau je 
24 Aug. party le xxüij”* jour et allay couchier a Nantes. 
pige at Et en Nantes je trouvay mis" Rober Cliffort le quell 
Clifford at pour lors estoit ancores demouré en Bertaingne pour 
Mantes; embassadeur du Roy, lequell estoit fort joieulx de ma 


delivers his ., . . as Ve ; 
credentials VENUE. Et encontinent que je avoie parlé à lui, nous 


SECOND EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 213 


alames ansamble vers monsieur de L’Abret ! et madame A.D. 1490. 
de La Vall à leurs presenter les lettres que j’avoys de to D'Albret 
vers eulx à toute la credence de la quelle je leurs fis Fr de 
houvertures. Et incontinent que je leurs avois fait Laval. 
houverture de ma credence, ilz incontinent hordon- 
nerent ung secretaire de la duchesse lequell ilz am- 
voierent vers monsieur le Marechal en France pour 
nous enpreter ung salveconduit pour mis" Robert Clif- 
fort et pour moy pour nous aller vers monsieur le 
Marechal. Mes avant que ledict secretaire fut ariver 
vers ledict seigneur le Marechal ledict seigneur le 
Marechal estoit des ja de retour et party du Roy de 
France. Et s'en venent vers Nantes, lui et tous ceulx 
qui estoint enbassadeurs aveques lui de par la duchesse ; 
lesquellz estoint le prince d’Orange, monsieur de Guinine, 
le Grant Mestre de Bertaingne, le procureur general, et 
aultres juques au nombre de ij. c. chevaulx. 

En ladicte ville de Nantes je atendis la venue 
dudict seigneur le Marechal, lequell ariva en ladicte 
ville le premier jour de Septembre, et fut rencontré 1 Sept. 
par le chemin pur plusseurs nobles et gentilz hommes, 
que chevaliers et escuiers et aultres gens de bien. Mes 
ilz saillirent à le rencontrer par le chemin, mais le 
faillirent, car il vient par eua; mais ilz trouveren 
le prince d'Orange et aultres chevaliers en sa com- 
paignie. Et vient aveues * ledict prince une ambassade 
de France qui estois amvoié aveques eulx pour aller 
vers la duchesse. Le second jour de Septembre le 2 Sept. 
matin apres la messe je presentay mes lettres audict an 
seigneur le Marichal et lui fis ouverture dela credence Rieux. 
que j'avoy vers lui depar le Roy mondict Souverain 
Seigneur en presence de mis Robert Cliffort. Dela 
quelle il estoit tresbien content et me respondist que 
je estois le tresbien venu, et que l'apresdiner il parle- 


1 Sic, for D’ Albret | 2 Sic, for aveques. 


214 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1490. roit à moy et me remonstreroit devant ledict Seigneur 


3 Sept. 


5 Sept. 


de Cliffort tout ce qu'il averoit besongnié en France 
aveues ' le Roy françois ; mais pourtant ne le fist pas, 
mais landemain, qui estoit le 1j™ jour dudict mois, il 
amvoia querir ledict mis‘ de Cliffort et mis’ Margarit, 
qui pour lors estoit en ladicte ville de Nantes pour 
embassadeur pour les Rois de Spaingne, et moy. Et 
la ‘amvoya par devers nous monsieur le Grant Mestre 
de Bertaigne et le procureur general, le quell procureur 
nous fist declaracion depar ledit seigneur le Marecha 
de tous ce que il avoint besongnié en France aveques 
ledit Roy francois. Et la nous desirerent que il 
nous pleut chevauchier aveques ledict Marechal vers 
la Duchesse à Rennes pour aveques nous besongnier sur 
la responsse que la Duchesse feroit avesques lesdicts 
ambassadeurs de France ; car ilz ne voulloint que ladicte 
Duchesse leurs feroit auchunne responce quil ne soit 
par l’advis de nous tous qui estioms deputés et commis 
par les Roys nos souverains seigneurs. Et ainsy fut 
accordé et conclu. 

Apres ceste conclussion ainsy prinze monsieur le Prince 
d’Orange se partist vers ladicte ville de Rennes et 
lesdicts enbassadeurs de France en sa compaignie, et 
partirent de la dicte ville de Nantes le v™ jour du 
devantdict mois. Et dedens l’espace d'une heure apres 
entrerent en ladicte ville mis‘ James Parker et mis‘ 
Phamson® Norton en la ville de Nantes aveques leur 
compaignie. Et furent rencontrés par le chemin par 
monsieur le Marechal et par mis’ Robart Cliffort et 
aultres gentilz hommes, que de la maison de monsieur 
de Labret® et de monsieur le Marichal. Et le viij. 
jour est party monsieur le Marechal dela cité de 
Nantes pour aller à Rennes vers la Duchesse pour 
donner la responce aulsdicts embassadeurs de France 


ee mn 


1 Sic, for aveques. | 3 Sic, for D’Albret. 
2 Sie, for Samson. 


SECOND EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 215 


sur la matiere que ledict monsieur le Marechal avoit A.D. 1490. 
besoingnié en France aveques ledict Roy françois. Et 

partist madame de Laval cellui mesmes jour ausy Richmond 
vers Rennes, et en cas parel mis‘ Robert Cliffort, et andC ord 
moy Richemond. Et chevaulchames tous uns chemin Rennes in 
juques à Roche. Bernart, ung villaige qui est à viij. wit ine 
lieus pres de Vannes. Et là monsieur le Marechal Marshal; 
se partist vers ung chasteau qui & lui est aparte- 

nant, qui a nom Rocheffort, et madame de Laval 

ausy, lequel est de Vannes vj. lieus. Et monsieur de 
Cliffort alla coucher à Vannes et ariva à la dicte ville 

de Vannes le x™ jour dudict mois de Septembre, et moy 10 Sept. 
Richemond aveques lui. Et là atendismes juques ace 

que eusmes novelles de monsieur le Grant Mestre d’An- 
gleterre qui pour lors estoit monsieur Robert Willebey But turn 
Seigneur de Brouck, lequell estoit arivé & une com- es to 
paignie de mille archiers en la ville de Morles. Et pource Wilbon. 
chevauchoit ledict monsieur le Marechal et mis" Robert py de ë 
Cliffort et ledict Richemond àladicte ville de Vannes Broke ; 
pour le rancontrer à lui et toute sa compaignie par 
chemin pour parler à lui; et apres que ledict seigneur 

le Marechal aura parlé à lui le mener aveques lui ala- 

dicte ville de Rennes vers la Duchesse pour là plus 
amplement communiquer amsamble sur ladicte responce 

que lesdicts francois doivent avoir. Et en ladicte ville 

de Vannes ledict mis’ Robert et ledict Richemont estoint 

querir ledict Sir Robert Cliffort qu'il alast parler à lui 

et le rencontrer & une borgade nommé Orrey laquelle 

est à ii) lieus de Vannes. Et mena ledict mis’ Robert 

en sa compaignie vers ledict seigneur le Marechal 

mis’ Jehan Norbery. Et moy Richemond demoray en 

Jadicte ville de Vennes pensant que ledict mis‘ Robert 

deut revenir à couchier la mesmes nuit à ladicte ville 

de Vannes; mes il fut aultrement advissé par ledict 
seigneur le Marechal, et chevaulcha aveques lui juques 


216 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1490.% Hennebond, une petite ville qui est à x. lieus de 


16 Sept. 


17 Sept. 


18 Sept. 


Whom 
they meet 
at Car- 
haix. 


19 Sept. 


Vennes en tirant vers Morles. 

Quant ledit Sir Robert vist que ledict seigneur le 
Marechal le mena aveques lui à ladicte ville de Henne- 
bond il me amvoya une lettre en laquelle il me desira 
que je le voulssisse encontrer à ladicte ville de Hanne- 
bond, comme je fis. Et ainsy je partis de ladicte ville 
de Vannes le xvj™ jour dudict mois, et allay couchier 
celle nuit & my chemin entre ladicte ville de Vennes 
et Hennebond, et arivay en ladicte ville de Hennebond 
le xvij™ jour dudict mois. Et celle nuit ledict mis‘ 
Robert et ledict Richemond souppasmes à monsieur le 
Marechal. Et apres que le soupper estoit fait ledict 
seigneur le Marechal nous menna sur les murs de la- 
dicte ville et lA eusmes grande communicacion en samble 
sur les affaires de la sarge que avions de par le Roy 
nostre mestre. 

Landemain qui estoit le xviij™ jour par la requeste de 
monsieur le Marechal chevalchames ledict mis" Robert 
et moy Richemond vers ledict seigneur le Grant Mestre 
à la bourgade de Carahes, laquelle est à vij. lieus de 
Morles et est x. lieus de ladicte ville de Hennebond, 
pour savoir de lui en quell lieu son plessir estoit que 
ledict seigneur le Marechal’ pourroint parler amsamble, 
comme pour avoir communicacion entre aultres chossos. 
Et cellui dict xviij™ jour arivasmes sytart vers ledict 
seigneur le Grant Mestre en ladicte ville de Carahos que 
pour celle nuit n’usmes pas grande communicacion am- 
samble, pource que ledict seigneur de Cliffort estoit ung 
poy malade. Et pource landemain, qui estoit le xix™ 
jour, fusmes bien matin levés, et alors heusmes com- 
municacion amsamble sur tous nos affaires. Et cellui 
jour je, Richemond, me partis de monsieur le Grant 


a ee ee ee ee _ ne ee em ne ee ES ee ee ee 


' Sic in MS. 


SECOND EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 217 


Mestre pour aller vers monsieur le Marichal pour savoir A.D. 1490, 
de lui son bon plaissir ou qu’il voulloit que ledict Grant 

Mestre parlast à lui. Et quant je fus ainsy party je 
rencontray sur le chemin entre Caraees et Fouuet ung 
chevaucheur qui venoit dudict seigneur le Marechal et 
chevauchoit vers ledict Grant Mestre pour lui advertir 

que ledict seigneur le Marechal le voulloit rencontrer 
amsamble en ladicte bourgade de Fauuet, comme ilz 

firent. Et la se rencontrerent le xx™ jour dudict mois. 20 Sept. 
Et apres qu’ilz ainsy avoint parlé amsamble landemain Meeting of 
bien matin furent amsamble à la messe en l’eglisse Master of 
parochealle. Et apres que la messe estoit dicte prind- Fendi. 
rent congié lung de l’aultre ; et ainsy partirent, assa- shal de 
voir ledict Grant Mestre de rechief à Carahées et ledict Mieux: 
Marechal vers Malletret. Car là en ladicte ville de 
Malletret estoint le prince d'Orange et la damme de 

Laval qui atendoint là ledict Marechal pour parler 
amsamble sur le despaiche qui fut faite aulsdicts en- 
bassadeurs de France comme ausy pour la despaiche 

dudict prince que de rechief tournoit en France de par 

la Duchesse sur l’apointement qui avoit esté prins entre 

ledict Roy françois et ladicte Duchesse. 

Ces devantdicts personnaiges eurent communicacion 
amsamble le xxiij™ et le xxiüj”* jour dudict mois en 3 gt 
ladicte ville de Malletret, et cellui mesmes xxiiij™ Les 
jour l’apresdisner firent fin de leurs communicacion. 

Et partirent encontinent, assavoir le Prince et la 
damme de Laval vers Nantes et le Marechal vers la 
Basse Bertaingne pour aller paisser les paissans qui 
sestoint tous levés sus contre la Duchesse et ausy 
contre le Marcchal, disant qu’ilz ne voulloint plus paier 
nulz fouuaiges. Et [en'] la compaignie de monsieur le 


? Omitted in MS. 


218 MACHADO'S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1490. Marechal hors de ladicte ville de Malletret partirent 


25 Sept. 


26 Sept. 


27 Sept. 


Richmond 
and the 
Grand 
Master 
arrive at 
Rennes, 


lesdicts mis’ Robert Cliffort et ledict Richemond. Et 
par le chemin ilz heurent communicacion amsamble en 
chevauchant aveques ledict Marechal de touts telles 
choses comme ilz pour lors avoint à besongnier 
aveques lui de par le Roy nostre Souverain Seigneur. 
Et allames couchier celle nuit an ung villaige nommé 
Tredion qui est audict Marechal. Et landemain qui 
estoit le xxv™ jour je Richemond parts du dict Marechal 
et de mis’ de Cliffort et allay pour rencontrer aveques 
le seigneur Grant Mestre sur le chemin de Rennes, 
lequell devoit aller vers la Duchesse. Et celle nuit 
allay couchier à Josselin Et là demouray la venue 
dudict Grant Mestre,. lequell ariva à Josselin le xxvj™ 
jour dudict mois et là fut rencontré par mis" Robert 
Cliffort et Jehan le Prettere serviteur et gentilhomme 
de monsieur le Marechal ; lesquelz vindrent à lui en 
ung messaige de par ledict Marchal. 

Et landemain, qui estoit le xxvij™ jour, ledict Grant 
Mestre s'en partis vers Rennes et lesdicts mis’ Rober 
et Jehan le Prestere partirens vers ledict Marechal, 
lequell estoit allé en Basse Bertaigne. Et moy, dict 
Richemond chevauchay aveques ledict Grant Mestere 
vers ladicte duchesse. Et alames repestere cellui jour à 
ung vilaige nommé Soreat,' qui est x. lieus de Joslin et 
à ii]. lieus de Rennes, et arivasmes celle nuit à Rennes ; 
et estoit bien viij. heures de nuit avant que arivames 
à la ville. Et furent les ports gardées overtes juques 
à ce que estions arivés en ladicte ville. Et fut ren- 
contré hors des portes par le sennier de la [RJoche et 
aultres sengneurs de la ville juque ou nombre de xl. 
chevaulx. 


1 Or Foreat ? 


SECOND EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 219 


Le xxj™ jour apresdiner vient le chanchelier de A.D. 1490. 
Bretaigne querir ledict seigneur le Grant Mestre, et 21 Sept. 
aultres gentilz hommes en sa compaignie; et le ang have 
menerent vers la Duchesse pour parler aveques elle. of the 
Et 1A ladicte Duchesse estoit en sa chambr assis desous Db. 
ung drap d'estat de drap d'or de peris et taulney et a 
les armes de Bertaingne semé par tout ledict drap. Et 
alentour desdicts armes le lasset de Saint Francois tout 
de fil d’or. Et alors ledict monsieur le Grant [Mestre '] 
lui fist la reverence et lui bailla les recommendacions 
du Roy son Souverain Seigneur, et elle l’enbrassa et le 
fit lever. Et estoit present le seigneur de * #2 
son honcle et le chanchelier, le viel chanchelier, le 
Marecha de l'Empire nommé Pollain, pour lors enbas- 
sadeur pour le Roy des Romains, et ung commendadeur 
del hordre de Calatrave nommé Rogas, enbassadeur 
pour les Roys de Spaingne, et*® messre Thomas Bals- 
well, docteur en lois, enbassadeur de par le Roy nostre 
mestre, et plusseurs seigneurs, chevaliers et escuiers à 
ung grant nombre. Et pour lors estoit vestue la 
Duchesse d'une roube de drap d’or tichu et sainte 
dune cheine d’or grosse comme le petijt doy d’un 
homme et fait en la façon de ung lasset de Saint 
François. Et avoit au col une chaine mennue dor 
atournée alentour de xx. ou xxx. tours. Et ainsy de- 
visserent unge grant pieche. Et apres ce ledict seigneur 
le Grant [Mestre'] print son congié et s'en retourna 
à son logis; et fut conduit à son dict logis par le 
seigneurs de la Roche et aultres gentilz hommes juques 
au nombre de xv. à xvj. chevaulx. Landemain qui estoit 
le xxij™ jour et estoit le jour de Saint Denis, la Du- 22 Sept. 
chesse ala soy esbatre aulz chans à cheval et mena 


mmr mi rm rr re EE +e Où 2 ee nent 


' Omitted ja MS. 3 ct repeated in MS. 
3 Blank in MS. 


220 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1490. ledict seigneur Grant Mestre aveques elle à soy esbatre 


23 Sept. 


24 Sept. 


Richmond 
leaves for 
Nantes to 
confer 
with the 
seigneur 
D'Albret, 


sur les prees hors de la porte. Et la furent à l’esbat 
à l’environ l'espace de deux ou trois heures, et s’en 
retournerent. Et menna ledict seigneur le Grant Mestre 
Ja Duchesse juques à son logis, et après s’en revient au 
sien. 

Et landemain qui estoit le xxiij™ jour dudict mois 
ledict seigneur le Grant Mestre eut communicacion 
aveques le chanchelier de Bertaigne et aultres deputés 
pour communiquer aveques ledict Grant Mestre sur 
leurs affaires. Et fut ladicte.communicacion aulx Cor- 
deliers de ladicte ville, et là conclurent incontinent sur 
leurs affaires. Et cellui appresdisner ala ledict Grant 
Mestre prendre son congié vers la Duchesse. Et lande- 
main qui estoit I[e] xxiuj”* jour ledict seigneur le Grant 
[Mestre'] s'en partist vers Carahes de rechief pour 
aller paier ses gens de leurs gaiges, et les hordonner 
comme ilz se gouverneroint. Et incontinent apres ce 
fait ledict Grant Mestre promist la Duchesse de s’en 
retourner à ladicte ville de Rennes vers elle. Issilui 
mesmes Xxilij™ jour je, Richemond, prins mon congié 
dudict seigneur le Grant Mestre et de ledict chan- 
chelier de Bertuigne pour m'en aller vers Nantes pour 
auchunnes grant matieres que je avoie à besongnier 
aveques le seigneur d’Albret et aultres de par le Roy 
mon mestre. Et alors me desira ledict chanchelier de 
Bertaingne [que’] je ne faillisse pas de retourner par 
devers la Duchesse, car elle voulloit espcrire au Roy 
mon mestre par moy. Et je lui promis de ainsy ferre. 
Et isselle nuit je allay couchier au Bain qui est a vj. 
lieus hors de Rennes sur le chemin vers Nantes. Et 
le xxv™ jour je arivay & Nantes. Et la je fus juques 
au derrain jour dudict moys. Et de rechief arivay a 


wee ee mm ee —- _ —- ——— 


1 Omitted in MS. 


SSD EWEASST  JEITASST. =) 


Rennes vers la Deedee » jremxr por dÜscère AD lem 
Aveques bp LDeiese » fs pages 22 27 jar d'or Asie 
tobre, et be v™ jem party 4 any cw@kir cie mit DR 
à une bourgede mame * #2 Ex animuin | Oct 
je alay coechser à Varsss « à po demwar Tega 

de tras pars Ex kb x™ per ® aly obxr à 
Henneboad, et d'Enn:tæwi » ally cathe a Carahes 

et À je demowar leqpase de we por Ek some We 
jour dadiet mas d'osdre x arzvay à Lanrarncau cù 

je touvar mcaswur » Marchal « masseur k Grant 
Mestre et monmseur & Cher « aukres pluwurs 
nobles jentiiz Lames qu Anvks Bertns et aaltres 
jeques an nantes & je peroumes Ex ib j'etox 
aveques eulx juqu:s au xv) jour dodict mois Ex cw 16 Oct 
mesmes jour } prins men omg de mondict seizneur 

le Marechal, d> monseur k Grant Mestre les quelz 
pour lors et celul mesmmes jour sen parurent de celle 
Ville, amavear ke dict seigneur ke Marechal vers Kinper* 
Corentin. et ke seigneur le Grant Mestre vers Carahes. 

et le seagneur Rotert de Cliffiet et mov vers Marles 

pour prendre nostre pasaige vers Angleterre. 

P’ltem, ks dons que pour lors me furent donnés pour Pres 
lonneur du Roy mon mestre furent celux qui s'en- Ein 
suivent. Premicrement de la Duchesse xx fran Item 

de Madame de Laval xx s Item de mis Marvanit enbas- 
sadeur pour jes Rois de Spaingne en la ville de Nantes 

une roule et ung perpomt de catin noir de ung drap 

nor bien fin de iiij escus l'aulne doublé de ung damas 
noir bien fin et longue juques à de mv jamle De 
monsieur le Marchal une roube de velours nois foume 

de bougs noirs juques à terre Et de monsieur le 
Grant Mestre x escus d'or. Et de mis’ Robert Clitfurt 

une espée d'arme dorée et belle, car pour lors n'avait 


me ee ee > oo mn tr 


) Plask in MS. ? Quimper. 


ends et A Hop ete R ne s + . 


229 MACHADO’S JOURNALS, 


A.D.1490. aultre chose pour me donner. Et pour lors partismes 
tous deux amsamble pour aller en Angleterre, et ung 
gentilhomme de monsieur le Marechal, qui avoit nom 
Jehan le Prestre, et seigneur Duval, lequell pour lors 
estoit amvoié en ambassade vers le Roy nostre mestre 
d'Angleterre. Et en ladicte ville de Morlets je aten- 
dais l’espace de ! . . . . * 


me i ee de ne ee ce er pe nt en 


Here the narrative breaks off abruptly. 


223 


INSTRUCTIONS AND REPORT OF FRANCIS MARSIN AND 
OTHERS WITH RESPECT T0 THE QUEEN OP NAPLES. 


HR. 


Instructions given by the King’s Highness to his a.p. 1505. 
trusty and well beloved servants, Francis 
Marsin, James Braybroke, and John Stile, 
showing how they shall order themselves 
when they shall come to the presence of the 
old Queen of Naples and the young Queen 
her daughter. 


1. First, after presentation and deliverance of such 
letters as they shall have with them to be delivered 
to the said queens from the lady Catherine, Princess 
of Wales, making her recommendation and declara- 
tion of such charges and words as shall be showed 
and committed unto them by the said princess to be 
opened and declared on her behalf to the said queens, 
they shall well note and mark the estate that they 
keep, and how they be accompanied with nobles and 
ladies. 

Pleaseth your Grace, at our coming to the city of 
Valencia, the which was in the xxijf day of June 
in the evening, at which time the Queens of Naples, 
both the old and the young, sojourned and kept their 
households together jointly in the King’s palace, that 
is a little without the said city of Valencia, the which 
palace is called the Reyalls; and on the morning being 
the xxij‘ day of June, we sent Thomas Bradley, the 


224 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


A.D. 1505. which could speak that language, unto that! palace, to 
the intent that he should show unto some of the said 
queens servants that the said queens should have know- 
ledge of our coming, and to? know their pleasures when 
that we might come unto their presences for to present 
such letters as that we had brought from the Princess 
of Wales, their niece and cousin. The which cause 
was showed unto the said queens, and their pleasure 
and answer was showed unto the said Thomas Bradley, 
that we should come unto their presences at five of the 
clock at afternoon the same day, and so the said Thomas 
came and showed unto us. Where at the hour and 
time appointed we came unto the said palace, where by 
a servant of the said queens we were conveyed and 
brought thorough divers chambers, the which were bare 
and not hanged, and so unto a chamber that was 
hanged with black cloth, and but one window open, 
and on the floorthe® there was a great carpet spread, 
whereon by the window side sat the old queen, and on 
her left hand from the window-wardes sat the young 
queen. Both the said queens were clothed in black 
cloth and also in black kerchoes as mourners, and 
in like case were all they that waited on the said 
queens. On the right hand of the queens in the window 
stood an ancient duke in a long beard, whose name is 
the duke Fernandin of Naples, and two of his sons, and 
other knights and gentlemen to the number of twenty 
persons or thereabouts, and on the left hand of the 
queens there sat the duchess, the wife of the said 
Fernandin, and a duchess of the parties of Greece and 
the Marchesa de Chara, the Countessa de ‘lortona, 
and the Countessa de Montorio, and Donia Maria de 
Enrykes, the old queen’s niece, and three daughters of 


' that] the said, Printed Copy. * Sic in Cott. and Printed Copy. 
* to] for to, Printed Copy. 


TOUCHING THE QUEEN OF NAPLES. 225 


the duke Fernandines, and other ladies and gentlewomen A.D. 1505. 
to the number of xviij or xx" persons, 

At our coming to the said queens we kneeled down 
before them and kissed their hands, and delivered my 
lady princess’s letters unto the said queens unto everieche 
of them severally, with the report of the recommenda- 
tions in the behalf of my lady the princess, the which 
the said queens received and took very! thankfully, 
and everitche of them making answer severally by 
themselves unto the said recommendations, and there- 
fore giving their thanks with a grave and stedfast* 
countenance. The young queen had not many words 
more than thanking the princess her cousin of her 
good and loving mind that she should® send and write 
unto her, and asked for the welfare of my lady the 
princess, whereof she said that she was glad for to 
hear, for she had never seen her; the old queen had 
the like words and many more which we passed in 
communication. As we be informed, the said queens 
have their lodgings everieche of them severally by 
themselves, and everieche of them have their servants, 
men, women, and slaves by themselves, notwithstanding 
the said queens do keep their estates and households 
both jointly together as one household, and the young 
queen much commonly and the old queen sleep both 
in one chamber, and they do keep a great household 
of gentlemen, ladies, gentlewomen, and slaves, and the 
old queen keeps a great estate with a great gravity, 
for she hath the king’s power for to rule all the 
realm of Valencia, and so she ruleth and is obeyed in 
all things, and no manner of person that doth contrary 
to‘ her commandment, and as we can perceive and 





* very] fall, Printed Copy. 3 À 
+ grave and stedfast] gravity and  unt, Printed Copy. 
constant, Printed Copy. 


226 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


_ A.D. 1605. hear the said- queens do keep a noble sad rule and 
order in their household and servants. 


2, Item, to take good heed and mark that estate' 
the said queens keep, and whether they keep their 
estates and households apart or in one house together, 
and how they be accompanied, and what lords and 
ladies they have about them. 


As touching this article the principal points be 
rehearsed in the first article before rehearsed, wherein 
it speaketh that the said queens do keep their estates 
jointly together within one house, and how that daily 
there is in the household the duke Fernandyn of 
Naples that is steward unto the said queen; and there 
is also two of his sons knights and three of his 
daughters ladies. And there is an ancient knight, the 
queen’s cousin, called Don Pedro de Arragon, and dyvers 
other knights and gentlemen, and other serving men 
many; and there is a duchess of Greece and two of 
her daughters ladies, and there is the markesa de- 
Chara, the countessa de Tortona, the which is the old 
queen’s chamberlain, and the countessa de Montorio and 
Donia Anarina de Arragon, and Donia Maria de 
Enrikes, and Donia Jeronima the ‘Condé of Albaydas 
daughter (these three be the old queen’s nieces); and 
divers other gentlewomen be there both of the realm 
of Spain and Naples, and many slaves, the which do 
serve and be all as* of one house, and daily there is 
suit unto the said queens’ court both of lords spiritual 
and temporal and other men and women of the said 
realm of Valencia for matters and causes in a manner 
as that they® would or might do unto their King. 


1 thestates that, Printed Copy 2 as all, Cott. 
and Har! 3 that they] Om. in Cott. 


TOUCHING THE QUEEN OF NAPLES. 227 


Insomuch as at the departing of the said queens A.D. 1508. 
from Valencia towards Monvedro we saw great suites 
and many suitors come before the said old queen, the 
which divers of the said causes and matters the said 
old queen determined and delivered, we being present. 


3. Item, of rt shall fortune the said King's servants 
to find the said queens keeping their estates together, 
they shall well and assuredly note and mark the 
manner of keeping and ordering them in_ their 
estates, with the countenance and manner of every of 
them, and such answer as they shall make upon the 
speech and communication as they shall have with 
them at the deliverance of the said letters and declara- 
tion of the other matters before mentioned, and to 
mark her discretion, wisdom, and gravity in her said 
communication and answer in every behalf. 


As to this article, as before we have in the other 
article rehersed, always it hath been showed unto us 
that ever since that the young queen came from Naples 
unto Spain, that the queen her mother hath had her 
continually in her household with her, and that jointly 
they do keep their estates together. And whereas on 
the xxviii™ day of June both the said queens departed 
with their company from the city of Valencia unto 
a town iiij leagues thence, called Monvedro, whereas 
the old queen the third day of the month of July 
departed from the said queen her daughter, then leaving 
her in Monvedro, and in her company the duke of 
Fernandyn and the duchess his wife, and the duchess 
of the parties of Greece and the markesa de Chara, 
and the countess of Montorio and Donia Marina de 
Aragon and Donia Maria Enrikes, with the most part 
of the noblemen and women that belong unto the said 
queens, and there they for to wait and give their attend- 
ance unto the said young queen until the coming again 

P2 


228 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


AD. 1505. of the said old queen from the court of her brother 
the King Don Ferdinando King of Castile and Aragon, 
the which court was then in the city of Segovia. 

And as for countenances and the manner of every 
of the said queens and of their answer that they made 
unto us at the deliverance of such letters as that 
we brought unto them from my lady the princess. 
First the old queen answered for herself as a noble 
Wise woman, and after the young queen with a sad 
and a noble sewred countenance with a good delibera- 
tion, and with great discretion uttered and spake such 
words as pleased her, and not having many words nor 
moving countenance, but full stedfast, and with no high 
speech, and after the manner of that country with a 
noble gravity, and not too bold but somewhat shame- 


faced womanly. 


4. Item, they shall in likewise endeavour to under- 
stand whether the young queen speak any other 
languages but Spanish and Italian, and whether she 
can speak any French or Latin. 


As to this article, as far as that we can understand 
and know, that the said young queen can speak no 
languages except Spanish and Italian. It is said that 
she understands both Latin and French, but she speaketh 
none. 


5. Item, specially to mark and note well the age 
and stature of the said young queen, and the features! 
of her body. 

As to this article, as to the age of the said young 
queen, it is seven and twenty years? and not much 


1 feature, Cott. 2 of years old, Printed Copy. 


TOUCHING THE QUEEN OF NAPLES. 229 


more; and as to the stature of her person we cannot AD. 1505. 
perfectly understand nor know, for commonly when 
that we came unto her presence her grace was sitting 
on a pillow, and other ij times we saw her going' on 
her foot going overthwarte a chamber that was not 
broad, where she came in at a door and came unto 
the queen her mother, being in the same chamber 
and sat down by her, at the which both times she 
wore slippers after the manner of the country in such 
wise that we could not come to any perfect knowledge 
of the height of the said queen. 

And as to the features of her body of the said 
young queen, forasmuch as that at all times® that we 
have seen her grace ever she had a great mantle of 
cloth on her in such wise after the manner of that 
country that a man shall not lightly perceive anything 
except only the visage, wherefore we could not be in 
certain of any such features of her body, but as far as 
that we can perceive and judge that she is of no 
high stature but of a middle stature® after our judg- 
ment by the reason of the height of her slippers 
whereof we have seen an ensample. 


6. Item, specially to mark the favor of her visage, 
whether she be painted or not, and whether it be fat 
or lean, sharp or round, and whether her counte- 
mance be cheerful and amiable, frowning or melan- 
choly, stedfast or light, or blushing in communication. 


As to this article as far as that we can perceive or 
know, that the said queen is not painted, and the 
favour of her visage is after her stature, of a very 
good compass, and amiable, and somewhat round and 


going] Not in Printed Copy. ‘Qu of & middle stature] Om. 
3? times] Om. in Cott. in Cott. 


230 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


A.D. 1505. fat, and the countenance cheerful, not frowning, and 
stedfast, and not light nor bold-hardy in speech, but 
with a demure womanly shamefaced countenance, and 
of few words, as that we could perceive as we can 
think that she uttered the fewer words by cause that 
the queen her mother was present, which had all the 
sayings, and the young queen sat as demure as a 
maiden, and some time' talking with ladies that sat 
about her with a womanly laughing cheer and coun- 
tenance, and with a good gravity, always the ladies 
talking with her having their® countenances towards 
her grace with reverences® and honor and obedience. 


7. Item, to note the clearness of her skin. 


As to this article, the said queen is very fair and 
clear of skin as far as that we could perceive by her 
visage, neck, and hands, the which we saw and well 


perceived. 


8. Item, to note the colours of her hair. 


As to this article, by that we could see and per- 
ceive by the brows of the said queen, and by the 
ends of some of her hairs that we perceived through 
her kerchowes, it should seem her hair to be a brown 
hair of colour. 


9. Item, to note well her eyes, brows, teeth, and 
lips. 


As to this article, the eyes of the said queen be of 
colour brown, somewhat greyish ; and her brows of a 
brown hair and very small, like a wire of hair; and 


en er 


TOUCHING THE QUEEN OF NAPLES, 231 


her teeth fair and clean, and as far as we could per- AD. 1509, 
ceive, well set; and her lips somewhat round and 

thick, according to the proportion of her visage, the 

which right well becometh the said queen. 


10. Item, to mark well the fashion of her noes, 
and the height and breadth of her forehead. 


As to this article, the fashion of her nose is a little 
rising in the midward, and a little coming or bowing 
towards the end, and she is much like nosed unto the 
queen her mother. 

And as to her forehead, the height or the breadth 
thereof we could not perfectly discern, for the manner 
of the wearing of the kerchowes or tuckas in that 
country is such that a man cannot well judge it, for 
their kerchowes coming down to their brows, and much 
the less we could come by the very knowledge of that 
cause for that the queen weared black kerchowes. 


11. Item, specially to note her complexion. 


As to this article, as far as we can perceive the 
said queen is of a very fair sanguine complexion and 
clean.' 


12. Item, to mark her arms, whether they be great 
or small, long or short. 


As to this article, as that we can perceive and know, 
that the arms of the said queen be somewhat round 
and not very small, by that we could perceive when 
that she putteth forth her hand when that we did kiss 
it; and as to the length of her arm, to our under- 


1 and clean] Cut off in the margin of Cott. 


282 _ REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


A.D. 1508. standing, it is of a good proportion according unto her 
personage and statute of height. 


13. Item, to see her hands bare, and to note the 
fashion of them, whether the palm of her hamd be 
thick or thin, and whether her hands be fat or lean, 
long or short. 


As to this article, we saw the hands of the said 
queen bare at three sundry times that we kissed her 
said hands, whereby we perceived the said queen to be 
right fair handed, and, according unto her personage, 
they be somewhat fully and soft and fair and clean 
skinned. 


14. Item, to note her fingers, whether they be long 
or short, small or great, broad or narrow before. 


As to this article, the fingers of the said queen be 
right fair and small, and of a meetly length and breadth 
before, according unto her personage very fair handed. 


15. Item, to mark whether her neck be long or 
short, small or great. 


As to this article, the neck of the said queen is fully 
and comely, and not misshapen, nor very short nor 
long, but meetly after the proportion of her personage; 
but her neck seemeth for to be the shorter because that 
her breasts be fully and somewhat big. 


16. Item, to mark her breasts and paps, whether 
they be big or small. 


As to this article, the said queen’s breasts be some- 
what great and fully, and inasmuch as that they were 
trussed somewhat high, after the manner of the country, 


TOUCHING THE QUEEN OF N4PLES. 233 


the which causeth her grace for to seem much the fullyer A.D. 1505. 
and her neck to be the shorter. 


17. Item, to mark whether there appear any hair 
about her lips or not. 


As to this article, as far as that we can perceive and 
see, the said queen hath no hair appearing about her 
lips nor mouth, but she is very clear skinned. 


18. Item, that they endeavour them' to speak with 
the said young queen fasting, and that she may 
tell wnto them some matter at length, and to approach 
as near to* her mouth as they honestly may, to the 
intent that they may feel the condition of her breath, 
whether it be sweet or not, and to mark at every 
tume when they speak with her uf they feel any savour 
of spices, rosewater, or musk by the breath of her 
mouth or not 


To this article: we could never come unto the 
speech of the said queen fasting, wherefore we could 
nor might not attain to knowledge of that part of this 
article, notwithstanding at such other times as we 
have spoken and have had communication with the 
said queen, we have approached‘ as nigh unto her 
visage as that conveniently we might do, and we 
could feel no savour of any spices or waters, and 
we think verily by the favour of her visage and 
cleanness ® of her complexion and of her mouth that 
the said queen is like for to be of a sweet savour and 
well eyred. 


1 them} Om. in Cott. | ‘ we have approached] repeated 
2 unto, Cott. in Cott. 
# no, Cott. » clearness, Cott. 


A.D, 1505. 


284 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


19. Item, to note the height of her stature, and to 
inquire whether she wear any slippers, and of what 
height her slippers be, to the intent they be not deceived 
in the very height and stature of her; and if they 
may come to the sight of her slippers, then to note the 
fashion of her foot. 


As to this article of the height and stature of the 
said young queen, as in the v™ article of this book 
it is answered that we could not come by the perfect 
knowledge of her height, forasmuch as that her grace 
weareth slippers after the manner of the country whereof 
we saw the fashion, the which be of vj fingers breadth, 
of height large, and her foot after the proportion of 
the same is but small, but by the slipper the greatness 
of her foot cannot be known, notwithstanding by the 
height of her slipper, considering the height that she 
appeared unto our sight being a-foot, her grace seemed 
not to be of high stature! and also by cause of the 
manner of the clothing that women do use and wear 
after the manner of the country, and also she of herself 
is somewhat round and well liking, the which causeth 
her grace for to seem lesger in height. 


20. Item, to inquire whether she have any sickness 
of her nativity, deformity or blemish in her body, 
and what that should be, or whether she hath been 
commonly in health or sometimes sick and sometimes 
whole, and to know the specialties of such diseases and 
sickness. 


As to this article we have inquired for to come by 
the knowledge thereof to the best that we can, and as 
it hath been by us considered that such secret causes 


nee —— - 


1not.... stature] of pone high stature, Printed Copy. 


TOUCHING THE QUEEN OF NAPLES. 285 


be unto all persons unknown, except unto her physicians, 4-D. 1505. 
apothecary, or secret women of her chamber, and for 
the next remedy for to come by any knowledge thereof 
we acquainted ourselves with one Pastorell' a Neapolitan, 
the which is a wise man, and he is apothecary and in 
manner physician to the said queens, both to the old 
and young, with the which apothecary we had divers 
times pastimes and communications, amongst the 
which sometimes we asked such questions if that the 
said young queen had any such infirmities as in the 
said articles before be specified ; whereunto the said 
apothecary said, “I have served the said queen many 
years, being her grace a little child hitherunto, and 
ever she hath been in as much health as any gentle- 
woman that ever I had known, and of so noble a 
nature and complexion, having in her person no dis- 
conformity nor cause of sickness.” 


21. Item, whether she be in any singular favor with 
the King of Arragon her uncle, and whether she have 
any resemblance in visage, countenance, or complexion 
to hum. 

As to this article, we have understood by the 
sayings of many and divers persons the King of 
Arragon favoureth and right much loveth the old 
queen his sister, the which queen is alike unto the 
said King her brother as any man and woman may 
be like unto another, and also right much he loveth 
and favoureth the young queen his niece, and that the 
said King intendeth for to promote her unto some 
excellent marriage, and that she shall have as much 
or more of his gift than any of his own daughters 
had, for somewhat of favour the said young queen is 





1 Pascarell, Printed Copy. 


236 _ REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


A.D. 1505. like unto the said King her uncle, and specially in 
the fashion of her nose and complexion. 

Moreover a common saying is in all Spain and in 
the King’s court that the said young queen shall be 
married unto the King of England our sovereign lord 
by the means and labor of the King her uncle. 


22. Item, to inquire of the manner of her diet, 
and whether she be a great feeder or drinker, and 
whether she useth often to eat or drink, and whether 
she drinketh wine or water or both. 


As to this article, it hath been showed unto us by 
one Pastorell,' the which is apothecary unto the said 
queen, and also by one Sorya, the which is a household 
servant, the which? two persons be much in the presence 
of the said queen when that she eateth and drinketh, 
and as they do report and say, that the said queen 
is a good feeder, and eateth well her meat twice on 
a day, and that her grace drinketh not often, and 
that she drinketh most commonly water, and some- 
times that water is boiled with cinnamon, and sometimes 
she drinketh ipocras, but not often. 


28. Item, the'King’s said® servants shall also at 
their coming to the parties of Spain diligently inquire 
for some cunning parnter having good experience in 
making and painting of visages and portraitures, 
and such one they shall take with them to the place 
where the said queens make their abode, to the intent 
that the said painter may draw a picture of the 
visage and semblance of the said young queen as like 


1 Pascarell, Printed Copy. 3 said] Om. in Cott. 
2 the which] that these, Printed 
Copy. 


TOUCHING THE QUEEN OF NAPLES. 237 


unto her as it can or may be conveniently done, which A.D. 1505. 
picture and image they shall substantially note and 
mark in every point and circumstance, so that it 
agree in similitude and likeness as near as it may 
possible to the very visage, countenance, and semblance 
of the said queen. And in case they may percewe 
that the painter at the first or second making' 
thereof hath not made the same perfect to her similitude 
and likeness, or that he hath omitted any feature or 
circumstance, either in colours or other proportions of 
the said visage, then they shall cause the same painter, 
or some other the most cunning painter that they can 
get, so often times to renew and reform the same 
picture till it be made perfect and agreeable in every 
behalf with the very image and likeness of* visage of 
the said queen. 


There is no answer made to this article. 


24. Item, the said King’s servants, by the wisest ways 
that they can use, shall make inquisition and ensearch® 
what land or livelihood the said young queen hath or 
shall have after the decease of her mother, either by 
the title of jointure or otherwise, in the realm of Naples, 
or in any other place or country, what is the yearly 
value thereof, and whether she shall have the same to 
her and her heirs for ever or else during her life 
only, and to know the specialties of the title and value 
thereof un every behalf as near as they can.* 


As to this article, as we were informed at Valencia 
by a man of Saint Sebastian’s in Guipusca, the which 
man is called Martyn de Albistur, master of a ship, 


' time of the making, Cott. 3 and ensearch] Om. in Cott. 
2 likeness of] Not in Printed ‘ can] shall mowe, Printed Copy. 
Copy. 


238 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


A.D. 1505. the which many years had continued in the service 
and wars of the King Don Ferdinando of Naples, and 
knew right much the demeanour and estate of the 
said Don Ferdinando and of his realm, whereupon 
the said Martyn de Albistur showed unto us that the 
old King Don Ferdinando of Naples granted and gave 
unto the old queen xl. m!. ducats! of yearly rent unto 
her and her heirs for evermore, the which lands and 
rents be part within the realm of Naples and the 
Poylya and part in Sicily. Also the said old King 
Don Ferdinando gave and granted unto the young 
queen his daughter xxx. m'. ducats of yearly rent 
within the realm of Naples and the Poylya for to 
have unto her and her heirs for evermore. All the 
which lands and rents the said Martyn de Albystur 
said that both the said queens had right* well enjoyed 
and taken the profit of them as well in the time of 
the French King having the realm of Naples as before 
time they had without any interruption. After® this 
it was showed unto us by one Pastorell* the which 
is apothecary unto the said queens, and he is a 
Neapolitan and hath long continued in the service of 
the said ladies, the which showed unto us that both 
the queens may dispende no more within the realms 
of Naples and Nicily, but xlij. m'. ducats of the which 
the old queen may dispense xviij. m'. ducats and the 
young queen xxiiij. m'., and that this was granted unto 
them and to their heirs for evermore as is before 
showed. And further the said Albistur and® the said 
Pastorell sayeth that since that the realm of Naples 
came and hath been in the King of Castile’s hands, 
that the said queens never received no rents nor 


a 


1x, m. li. dotage, Cott. ‘ Pascarell, Printed Copy. 
3 of the right, Printed Copy. * And further . . and] Om. in 
3 And after, Printed Copy. Printed Copy. 


TOUCHING THE QUEEN OF NAPLES. 239 


profits of the realm of Naples, for the great captain AD. 1505. 
there, Gonsalo Ferdinando, doth receive it by the com- 
mandment of the King of Castile, and therewitn he 

doth pay the men of war in these parts, and so the 

said King of Castile pays and gives unto the said 

queens xv. or xvi. m'. ducats yearly out of his coffers 

for their expenses and maintaining of their estates. 


240 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS. 


INSTRUCTIONS AND REPORT OF FRANCIS MARSIN AND 
OTHERS WITH RESPECT TO FERDINAND KING OF 
ARRAGON IN 1505. 


H. R. 


A.D. 1505. InsTrucrions given by the King’s Highness unto 
his trusty and well-beloved servants, James 
Braybrooke, Francis Marsin, and John Stile, 
showing how they shall order themselves 
when they shall come into the realm of 
Spain, and to the presence of his cousin the 
King of Arragon. 


1. First, before their departing out of the King’s realm, 
they shall take with them the King’s letters directed 
unto his cousin the King of Arragon, and also a 
book of articles containing the mutual assistance to be 
given to the King’s Highness by his said cousin against 
the realm of France, in case that, by reason of any 
violation or breach of the peace and amity which now 
is betwiat the King’s Highness and the French King, 
his grace would make war against the said King of 
France for the recovery of his right and title there 
hereafter. 

Item. At their coming to the King of Arragon’s 
presence, after due recommendation and presentation 


e 
TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 241 


of the King’s letters, they shall say, that inasmuch as A.D. 1505. 
the King’s Highness wnderstood and knew that for 
divers causes and matters they had occasion by the 
Princess's' commandment, whereof they doubt not but 
he knoweth right well, to resort wnto those parties, his 
Grace commanded them to repair unto his presence 
not only to present unto him the King’s letters, but 
also to visit him and have knowledge of his prosperous 
estate and welfare, whereof to hear shall be unto the 
King’s Highness as great joy and comfort.as of any 
prince living, as well for the nighness of blood, affinity, 
and alliance that is betwixt them, both by reason of 
the espousals and matrimony lately contracted betwixt 
the right excellent Prince of Wales, his son and heir, 
and the right noble Princess Catherine his said cousin's 
daughter, as also for the ancient amity that hath been 
betwixt the houses of England and Arragon, the firm 
peace and amity, mutual love and affection, kind and 
fast demeanor that his Highness hath founden and 
daily findeth in his said cousin, assuring him that he 
shall always find the King’s Highness of semblable 
loving mind and disposition, fast and stedfast de- 
meanour, towards his said cousin at all times here- 
after; desiring him therefore to ascertain the King's 
Highness of his good novelles from time to time, 
which shall be to the King’s Highness singular re- 
joicing and comfort, like as his Grace shall semblably 
advertise him of his hereafter. 

Item. If any inquisition be made by the said King 
of Arragon of the good estate and prosperous welfare 
of the King our sovereign lord, or of the tranquillity 
and peace of this his realm, they shall say that, our 
Lord be thanked, his Highness enjoyeth his present 
health, and is right joyous and merry, his realm in 





* Princes in Cott, which is here the only MS. 
@ 


A.D. 1505. 


bs 


242 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


good peace and tranquillity, and his subjects in due 
obeisance and wealthy condition established in peace, 
quiet, and restfulness with all outward Princes 

Item. They shall signify unto the King’s Highness’ 
said cousin how that upon an overture first made by 
his ambassador, Harmon Duke, and now of late by 
credence committed to Doctor de Puebla, aleo his am- 
bassador within this realm, and at his pureuit and 
solicitation, hie Highness hath caused a certain book 
of articles concerning mutual assistance against 
France to be delivered to Doctor de Puebla, his 
ambassador, to be sent unto his said cousin. And 
albeit that the King’s Highness hath for undoubted 
that the said doctor hath sent the said book of articles 
unto his said cousin long before this time, yet inas- 
much as by reason of the long distance betwiat both 
the realms such danger and casualties might chance 
and fortune by the way, so that the same might 
not come to his presence ; in avoiding therefore the! 
ambiguite and doubt, and for the more suertie and 
certaintie, the Kinges highnesse hath eftsones sent unto 
his said cousin by them the tenor of the said boke, 
desiring and praying hym to cause the same to be 
seen by his secrete cownsaill, and tadvertise his grace 
of his mynd and pleasure by his writing, whiche 
they shalbe gladde to conveye unto his highnesse at 
their retorne out of those parties. The premisses to 
be translated into the Spaynysshe tong, and uttred 
by John Stile unto the said King of Aragon in the 
same tong, and in as discrete manner as he can 
devise and use. And for th’obteignyng of writings 
and answers from the said King of Aragon upon his 


''Thus far the text has been de- | the Cottonian MS. has not been 
rived from MS. Cott., Vesp. C. vi., | preserved, it being only a transcript 
this portion of the original docu- | of comparatively modern date. 
ment being lost. The spelling of 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 943 


entent and mynde in the said articles, they shall A.D. 1505. 
with all effectuell diligence endevor theymself with 
the said King in suche wise that if by any meanes 
possible they maye obteigne the said answers they shall 
bringe the same with theym at their retorne.. - 

Item, in case rt shall fortune the Kinges said ser- 
vants at their being within the said Reames of Spayne 
to have notice and certain knowlege of the decesse of 
thé Frensche King, then they shall the more instantly 
porsue and solicite to the Kinges said cousin for the 
knowlege of his full entent and mynde upon the said 
articles ; shewing that, forasmoche as the said King of 
Aragon in whom the Kinges highnesse hath alwaies 
founde grete love, amitie, humanitie and kyndenesse, 
with constante perseverance in the same, and to whom 
his highnesse is joyned aswell by nighnesse of blode 
as also by aliaunce and affinitie, is that prince whom 
his grace above all other princes most estemeth, entierly 
loveth and favoureth, his highnesse therfor is not oonly 
firmely sette and intierly mynded t'observe and kepe 
suche treaties of peas, confederacions and amities 
that nowe be contracted concluded and establisshed 
betwixte his said cousin and hym, but also is gretely 
desirous to augment and encrease the same, considring 
that his said cousin is of semblable mynde to the 
said augmentacion soo that it maye evidently appere 
to all other christen princes that like as the nigh- 
nesse of blode, with affinitie and aliaunce indisso- 
lublely hath joyned and knytte theym togeder, so the 
ferme band of amitie and kyndenesse hath con- 
nected their wills, entents and myndes that they 
repute and take all and sundrie their causes and 
matiers as oon, aswell for the conservation of their 
rights and titles whiche they and every of theym nowe 
have and enjoye, as also for the recoveree of suche as 
by extorte violence and usurped power be witholden 
and withdrawen from theym and every of them. And 


Q 2 


244 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


AD.1505. for that entent and purpos, the Kinges highnesse is 
right desirous to understande his resolute mynde and 
answer upon the said articles, to th'ende that the same 
kmowen, his grace maye take suche wayes and direc- 
cions with that prince that shall nexte pretende title 
and succession in the said Reame of Fraunce when 
porsute shalbe made on his behalf unto his grace for 
confirmacion of the old am{[itie] as to the said articles 
and his answer to be made uplon] the same shalbe 
thought convenient and agreable. Wherein for the sin- 
glier love and entier affecion that his highnesse 
bereth to his said cousin his grace entendeth noo 
thing to doo till suche tyme as he maye knowe the 
resolute mynde and answer of his said cousin ; whiche 
answer they shall desire to have delyvered unto theym 
as soon as conveniently may be, to th'entent that with 
all diligence the same maye be by theym conveyed and 
brought to the Kinges highnesse considring that it is 
not to be doubted but hasty porsute shalbe made unto 
the Kinges highnesse on the behalf of the successor of 
the said Frensche King, not oonly for the confirma- 
cion of the old amitie, but also for innovation and 
mewe intelligence to be made upon the same. 

Item that they, as well at their arriving in the 
parties of Spayne as also in all their waye and 
jorneying towards the corte of the said King of Aragon, 
and specially at their comyng to the corte and when 
they shalbe in companye of any noble or wise per- 
sonages of that reame, they shall by the moost wise 
and secrete wayes that they can use, endevor theymself 
to knowe in what state and condicion the said King 
of Aragon nowe standeth, and hath stande in sithens 
the dethe of the Quene, within the reame of Castile ; 
that is to say, what favor and love the subgetts of that 
reame, specially the nobles, bere unto him. 





A.D, 1505, 


246 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


that of longe tyme hathe byn bytwyxt the reames of 
Yngland and Aragon; and y ever shalbe glad and 
wille take my brother of Ynglandes parte in althynges, 
as myn owne cause. And, as to the conclusion of 
dispowsaile by twyxt the nobill lorde the prynce of 
Wales and my dou3ghter the lady Kataryn, hit ys 
right gretely unto my comfort; for often tymes when 
that y am trobyllid in my mynd for the dethe of my 
quyn and with other causes, hit rizght gretely re- 
joisithe me that y am in sewred that my said daugghter 
shalbe maried unto so nobill a prynce, and that she 
shall have so nobill a fader on lawe as ys my brother 
of Yngland.” And saied, “As to yowr goynge and 
beynge at Valencya with the quynes my suster and 
cussyn y was therof advertised. Y wold that ye had 
comen thys waye by me; for y wold have wretyn 
with you my letters to th'intent that ye shuld have 
byn the better receyvid and intretid.” Wher owr 
excuse was that [the cause why !] we cam not furste 
by his hizghnes, was for so much as at our landeynge 
at Fonteraby, and also after in other places, hit was 
shawid unto us that ther was no vituall for man nor 
horse, goyng towards there as his highnes Jaye. 
Then the Kynge saied “My suster the quyn wilbe here 
with me for that cause of your beynge at Valencya.” 
And we saied that verely we understode the the? said 
quyn was comeynge towards his highnes. The Kynge 
demaundid “Can my dau3ghter speke any Ynglishe ?” 
and we said that hir grace cowde speke some and that 
she understode muche more; and we gretely comendid 
the lady prynces and saied that we understode by hir 
comewnycacion at dyvers tymes that she rizght muche 


1 These words, omitted in the 2 Sic in Ch. H. MS. 
Chapter House book, are supplied 
from the Cotton. MS. 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 247 


lovithe his highnes, for ever she takithe a grete plesure A-D. 1508. 
in hir spekeynge of his grace. The Kynge saied “ For 

sothe y love my said dau3ghter interely ; for ever she 

hathe lovid me better then any of my other childer 

and y am gretely dessiros that she shalbe an Ynglishe 

woman and to lerne for to speke Ynglishe ; and so y 

have wretyn unto hir by divers of my letters that she 

shuld a plye bir for to lerne that langeaje.” 


2. Item, whether there be any speche or likelihod 
that the King and Quene of Castile shall come into 
those parties; and if they come thider, whether the 
King of Aragon or they shall have the princtpall 
auctoritie. 

And in case they maye perceyve and perfectly undre- 
stande that the said King and Quene of Castele shall 
come into the Reame of Spayne at any tyme during 
their abode ther, then they shall addresse theymselfes 
unto suche cities or other townes and places nere 
abouts the King, wher the said King and Quene shall 
bee receyved, and cireumespectely note and marke th’ 
ordre, maner, seremonyes and circumstances of their 
said receyving, howe and in what wise it is doon, at 
every suche tyme and place; marking well also the 
meting of the King of Aragon with the said King 
and Quene of Castele; and to regarde whether the 
said King of Aragon shall take upon hym the pre- 
eminence superiorite and souveraintie or that he shall 
geve the same to the said King and Quene of Castele. 
And to make a boke particlerly conteignyng all the 
said ordre, seremonies, and all other circumstances 
of the said receyvings as nere as they shall mowe 
perceyve and undrestunde. And for the parfaite 
knowlege of all the said matiers and seremonyes they 
shall make their abode ther the lenger, and though 
it be by the space of a moneth or more, as the case 
shall require; and to bringe the certaintie to the 


248 | REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


AD. 1505. Kinges highnesse how the saide Kinges agree in every 
behalf. 


Your grace schall understond that at our beynge 
in the Reame of Spayne that there was no yerrey 
certayn knowliche of the tyme of the comeynge of 
the King Archeduke and of the quyn his wife in to 
the parties of Spayne ; but daily there cam letters and 

. messengers from theym un[to] their in bassatur callid 
Monsr. de Verey, the whiche is in the corte of Spayne. 
And some tyme hit was saied that bothe the Kynge 
and the Quyn wold come by the see, and that they 
woldbe in that parties by all the monithe of October ; 
and some saied that the Quyn was grete with childe, 
wherfore she my3ghte not come, and that the Kynge 
wold come with owte hirre, wherwith the Spaynards be 
not plesid in case that he so will do, for they dissire 
more for to have the Quyn then the Kynge; for the 
comon sayenge ys that in case that the Kynge and 
the Quyn bothe jontly come to gethers, yet never shall 
Flemeynge nor Burgonyon have any office kepeynge 
of any toune or castell within the landes of Spayne. 

The said Kynge Archduke hathe providyd so 
many postes lyenge by the way by twixt the Kynge 
his faderin lawe and him; and ever in x. days the 
letters be conveyed from the oon corte unto the 
tother. 


3. Item, whether the subgietis of that Reames be 
desirous that the King and Quene of Castile shuld 
come thider. And if they come thider, whether the 
said subgietts wold more favor the said King and 
Quene then the King of Aragon forsaid. 


Plesithe your grace for to understond that the 
comewnes of boothe the Reames of Aragon and Castiell, 
as farre as that we have labored, be right gretely 





A.D. 1505. 


250 | REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


in case that the archewde and the quyn do come to 
gethers, the most off the lande wille take theym for 
their Kynge and Quyn byfore any other. 


4, Item, of what wisedome the King of Aragon is 
reputed to be, and whether that he by hymself prin- 

cipally rueleth the said reames, orells the same 
Kinge [is'] rueled by other counseillors of grete aucto- 
ritie. And in case it soo be, then to knowe the 
specialties of suche personages and in what aucto- 
rilie they be and their names, bee they epirituell or 
temporall or both. 


Plesithe your Grace that the said Kynge ys reputed 
to be verey wise, and as farre as that we can per- 
sayve and knowe by suche comewnicacion as that we 
have had with hys highnes, we thynke and fynd in 
hym that he ys awise prynce. And as that we can 
understond he rulithe the said reames most by his 
aune wisdome, and at all tymes he makithe aunshewer 
and hirithe all in bassatores, and determynes the 
moste grete and secrete causes hym selfe with owte 
callynge thereunto any of his counsaile. As for the 
causes or maters owte ward of his reame, in all suche 
causes he callithe un to hym Almasan, the whiche ys 
his secretary for all owteward causes specially; and 
the said Almasan ys most of the said Kynges secrete 
counsaile We asked of dyverse persons and saied 
that we gretely mervelid that the Kynge callid no 
moo of his counsaile for to hyre and to aunshewer in 
bassatores and other causes. Wherunto aunshewer 
was made un to us that the Kynge did so anshewer 
and hire every owteward cause hymself to theintent 
that no geolosy shuldbe had amonges his lordes and 


—- 





1 Om. in Ch. H. MS., supplied in Cott. 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 251 


counsaile, in case that he did calle more oon then A.D. 1508. 
another. And by cause that there ys a groge by 
twyxt dyverse lords of the land, of the whiche some 
of thym be in the corte contenewally, as the condes- 
tabbil and the duke de Alva; and some other 
therbe that for their beynge aboute the Kynge they 
came not at the corte, as the duke of Anajara and 
the markes of Velena. The said Kynge hath moste 
conteneually in his corte with hym and of his cownsaile 
the archebysshoppe of Toledo, and the archebysshoppe 
of Cevylle, that ys his confessore, and the bysshoppe 
of Plasencia; and the bysshoppe of Cordoa, that is 
presedent of the counsell, and the bysschoppe of 
Palencya, the whiche ys awisse prelate and of late he 
was inbassatur in the parties of Flanders Other 
dyverse bysshoppes therebe and many other doctores 
and lerned men yn the lawe the whiche have charge 
and autoryte for to determeyne and ordor suche 
maters and causes as ys consernynge the reames of 
Castill, Aragon, Cicelia and Granada, and for everyche 
of the said reames severall jeuges be deputeid and 
ordeyned, and counsaile in suche wise that the 
counseyll of the oon land medills not with the tother. 
And in case be that a cause or mater in any of the 
said reames can not be determyned by the juge 
therefore deputid, then the Kynge hirethe the cause. 
As for Napules [it'] ys taken as an owteward reame 
and hathe no maters determyned in Castell by any juge 
there. And ij days in the wyke the Kynge hym selfe 
sitithe in cownsaile with hys lords abowte the per- 
formacion of the quynes wille ; and other ij dais for 
the maters of the land. But verrely we can not hire, 
se nor knowe that he hathe any man so nere of his 
most secrete counsaile as ys Almasan his secretary, 


1 Om. in Ch. H. MS., supplied in Cott. 


A.D. 1505. 


252 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


notwithstandeynge that the constabill and the Duke 
de Alva of any temporall lords be gretist in favor. 
And they be contenewally in the corte, and Don John 
de Cabrera the Kyng’s chamberlayn (he ys an 
aragonese). And the Markes de Dene that ys the 
Kynges steward. And of the sperituallmen thereys 
non better taken nor fhat medles more with temporall 
maters then the bysshoppe of Palencya, for he ys a 
nobyll man of birthe. 


5. Item, to inserche by the wisest waies that they can 
use whether the said reames bee holye unite without 
devision ; or that ther be any faccions or devisions 
betwiate theym, or likelihod of any devisions betwixte 
the King and the nobles of that reame. And if of like- 
lihod ther shall ensue any suche division, then to 
enquire whether rt be for the title of that reames or 
otherwise, and what shuld be the cause therof, and by 
whom vt shuld be doon, with the circumstance of every 


thing. 


Yowr Grace schall understond that of longe con- 
teunyans there hathe byn varyance bytwyxt the con- 
destabill of Spayne, the whiche ys the greteiste lorde 
of that londe (for he maye despend yerely xx. m', marke 
and he ys a grete lorde of men), and the duke of 
Anajara. Thys duke ys a lorde also of many men, and 
he may dispend x. m'. marke yerely. And he ys a man 
of grete coraje; and dyverse tymes in the liffe of the 
quyn he did more displesures un to the condestabill 
then the condestabill did un to hym. The said duke 
ys nere kynysman un to the Kynge, and he did most 
helpe the Kynge in his nede in his furste comeynge 
in to Castell. And whereas hit ys so that the con- 
destabill hathe maryed the Kynges bastard dou3ghter, 
wherfore the Kynge rizght muche favorithe and lovithe 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 253 


hym; and he is and hathe byn in the corte ever A.D. 1505. 
sithen the dissece of the quyne; the whiche sore 
grevithe the duke, and in no wise he wille not come 
un to the Kynge but abides in his contrey and sends 
and wretes un to the Kynge that he is and wilbe 
trewe and fast un to hym and to the quyn donia 
Joana. But he wille not come at the corte un to 
the tyme that she come. And dyverse lords, as the 
Conde de Onaty and other his kynysmen and tenants 
hold with hym. And with the condestabill holdithe 
the duke de Alva and the Almyrante and other. Also 
the markese de Valena that ys oon of the gretiste 
lords of that land, and by cause that he was sworne 
un to the lady that is in Portyngale in the life of 
Kynge Henry of Castell, her fader, after the dethe of 
the said Kynge Henry the said markes caused the 
Kynge Alfonso of Portyngale for to come in to Castell 
and for to enterprise the land. Wherefore the Kynge 
and the quyne donia Ellisabethe at the furst begynynge 
of their reygne movid warre ayenst the said markes 
and toke from hym the most parte of his lands the 
whiche un to this daye the Kynge holdithe and 
kepeithe. Wherefore he ys gretely dessyros of the 
comeynge of the archeduke and of the quyne his wiffe, 
for as muche as at hir laste beynge there she pro- 
mysid to hym that yef ever she were quyne of Castell 
that he schuld have hys lands ayen; notwithstondeynge, 
he hath byn with the Kynge Don Fernando sithen the 
dethe of the quyne more for fere then for love. 

A nother kny3ghte there ys, the whiche claymes of 
rizght for to be the Duke of Medyna Cely the whiche 
dukedome ys of yerely valewe xij. m'. marke clere ; the 
which dukedome the quyn in hir liffe gave un [to] 
hys brother bastard sone by cause that he maryed a 
lady of hir corte. So that the rizght eyre by favor of 
the quyn was put from his lands. Wherfore sithen the 
dethe of the quyn donia Ellisabethe he, seynge that he 


254 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


A:D.1508, can nott have his lands, he ys gon to the Archeduke 
ffor to have socor and remedy there. Th’on said kny3ght 
hathe many grete frynds, as the duke of Medyna 
Sedone, and the duke of them Fantealgo and other 
that wold gladly helpe hym to his rizjght. And ther- 
fore there ys leke to be trobill amonges the grete men 
that take the dyverse parties by cause this ys a just 
quarell on the knizghtes side. Wherfore they wille 
shawe that to be cause of theire stereynge. Wherof 
hit ys fereid that grete variance and trobills shall or 
maye ensewe in that parties. 


6. Item, to enquere whether the King of Portugale 
favoureth more the part of the King of Aragon or 
th'archeduke King of Castele. 


Yowr Grace schall understond that by suche informa- 
cion as we have had hit hathe byn schawid unto us 
that the Kynge off Portyngale more favorithe and 
lovithe the Kÿnge of Aragon his fader-in-lawe then he 
dothe the archeduke. For as hit hathe be saied un to 
us that when the archeduke was in Castell he schuld 
saye that he pretends a titell unto the reame of Por- 
tyngale; the whiche he saied yef that he levid he 
wold thynke for to have the said reame as his rizghte 
and inerytans. Wherwith the Kynge of Portyngall 
was grevid; and hit ys thought that the Kynge of 
Portyngall ys not dessiros that the archeduke shuld 
come in to Castell for to be so nere unto hym for fere 
of that moshion. 


7. Item, whether ther be any speche of any good 
agreament or accorde betwixte the suid King of 
Aragon and the Frensche King or any likelihod of 
warre, 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 255 


Yowr grace schall understond that at our beynge in A.D. 1505. 
the reames of Castell and Aragon we cowde not hire of 
any moshion of any warre shortely to be made or had 
bytwyxt the reame of France and the said Kynge of 
Aragon. The comon sayenge of the pepille in thois 
parties was that they were sory that the Archeduke 
was so muche rulid by the counsaile of France; and 
that they thynke. that yef that the Archeduke do take 
any synester wayes ayenest the Kyng his fader in lawe, 
that hit ys by the comfort of France. Wherof they 
saye that they do not feer but that hit shalbe to the 
Archeduke hurte and displesure to the reame of France, 
And thys they do speke and saye with grete violence, 
not feereynge the reame of France; for they be rizght 
welle ordored and apte to the feats of warre. 


8. Item, of what reputacion and fame the King our 
souverain lord is ther, aswell amongs the nobles as 
the communes; and in what opinion or trust they have 
and repute hym if they shuld have nede of hym, and 
in likewise of the princesse. 


Yowr grace schall understond that the Kynge and the 
nobilles of the reames of Castell and Aragon repute 
and take yowr highnes for oon of the nobiliste, ex- 
celent, wyse and my3ghty prynces of the warld; and 
that yowr grace ys of a right grete my3ghte and 
power for to ayde and comfort yowr frynd in the tyme 
of his nede. And many of the comeunes thynke the 
same, the whiche have had knowliche of your grace. 
But many other jantilmen and comons of this land 
that have no knowliche of yowr grace nor of yowr 
reame, the which thynke that ther ya no land butt 
Spayne. But they that knowe your grace gretely do 
rejoyse the maryaje that ys concludid bytwyxt my lorde 
the prynce and my lady the pryncesse, 


A.D, 1505. 


256 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


9. Item, what speche is ther of the mariage betwixte 
my lord prince and the lady Katheryn, and howe 
they take the same, and what rejoicing they take 
therof. 


Yowr grace schall understond that the Kynge hym 
selfe and other lordes and nobles of that land ngght 
gretely rejoysethe the aforesaid conclusion of mariaje 
as thatt they do saye and that thereby they do trust 
for to have grete socore yef that they shalhave nede 
of your grace and of yowr land. And they be dessiros 
and hit plesid God that my lorde the prynce and 
my lady the prynces were so nere un to the croune 
of Castell and Lyons and all thies lands as the arche- 
duke and his quyne ys. For every man and woman 
of the reame that do knowe my lady the pryncesse 
favor and love hir more than any other of the Kynges 
childer. 

Notwithstondeynge, after the decesse of my lorde 
the prynce Artur (on whos sawle we beseche Almy3ghty 
God to have mercy) and by fore the conclusion made 
by twyxt my lorde the prynce that nowe ys and the 
lady pryncesse, muche labore was made un to the Kyng 
hir fader and the quyn hir moder that the said lady 
pryncesse mizghte be maried unto the duke of Calabria, 
the whiche is nowe in the corte of Spayne. And he 
was son un to the Kynge Don Fradrike of Napules the 
whiche of late decessid in France. And thys maryaje 
they wold have made to theintent that after the decesse 
of the Kynge of Aragon that nowe ys that the said duke 
of Calabrya and the pryncesse shuld have byn Kynge 
and Quyn of Napules. 


10. Item, whether he bee reputed and taken as King 
of the said reame of Castile Lyon and Granate during 
his lif orells as administrator and gouvernor. And 
uf he be reputed but as administrator and gouvemior, 





258 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


A.D. 1508, the quyn his wife therfore; nor he intends not for to 
render or to geve unto theym any acount of the 
revenewes and profettes of that landes for duereynge the 
terme of his liffe, nor said kynge sufferithe nor wille 
not suffer any juge or other officer to be made nor putt 
within the said reames by the kynge archeduke. 

Plesithe yowr grace for to understond that we 
spake with the kynge the xxi daye of July and then 
we schawid unto hym acordeynge unto your most 
nobillist in struxions consernynge the overture unto 
your highnes made by his in bassatur Farnando Duke, 
and after wards also unto your grace solicitud by the 
credence also of his inbassatur doctor de Puebla. 
Whereof your grace had causid a boke of certeyn arti- 
cules to be made and the same delyvered unto the said 
doctor de Puebla, the whiche your grace had for un- 
dowtid that his highnes had resayvid or this tyme 
from his said inbassatur; not withstondeynge for the 
more sewerty and for casualties that mizght fortune or 
befalle for the longe distance that ys bytwyxt bothe 
your nobill reames that your grace had by us your 
servants sent the copey of the said articules the whiche 
we dessired his highnes for to cause hit to be seyn by 
his grace and his secrete counseyll, and that by his 
wreiteynge at this tyme and by us your servants that 
he wold make aunshewer un to your grace of his deter- 
mynat mynd in that behalfe ; the whiche wreteynge and 
copy of the articules we delyverd un to the said kynge ; 
his highnes, sayenge un to us “ Verely y have resayvid 
the said booke of articules from myn inbassatur the doc- 
tor de Puebla, and by my letters sent un to hym y have 
wretyn myn aunshewer in that behalfe; neverthelesse 
y schall send for my secretary, the whiche nowe he ys 
some whate seke, and as sone as that he maye come 
unto me y schall cause thys wreteynge to be seyn 
with the wreteynge that myn ynbassatur sent unto 
me; and that so don, y shall thereuppon send my 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 259 


secretary unto you, the whiche shall shawe unto you A.D.1505. 
myn further mynd ;” and saied “ Y shalbe glad for to 
do that thynge that maye be to the plesure and profite 
of my brother the Kynge of Ynglond your lorde; for 
Y repute and take all his causes and maters as efec- 
tually as myn awne proper causes.” Wherunto we 
aunshewered and saied that his highnes maye be verely 
welle insewred that yowr grace in lyke case dothe 
take and wille take all his causes as your aune causes; 
we sayenge by the grace of Almy3ghty God, the kynge 
owr suffereyn lorde and yowr hizghnes beynge all as 
oon and of oon mynd and amyte and stedfastnes, that 
hit shall not be possibill unto any other prynces of 
the warlde for to wronge or greve you or your nobill 
reames. Wherunto the said kynge anshewerd and 
saied “my brother of Ynglond your lorde and I do 
take nor have taken any wrongefull quarelles. Wher- 
fore y trust that God shall helpe us in owr rizghte 
and juste quare 

On the xxiiij daye of July we were apoyntid for 
to come on the morneynge unto aparishe churche 
fastely by the kynges logeynge; and there cam unto 
us Almasan the kynges secretary and askid of us yef 
that we had any other causes or maters for to 
schawe then that we before had schawid unto the 
kynge his lorde, for asmuche as the kynge had 
sent hym unto us for to knowe yef that we wold 
schawe or comeune of any other causes that by fore 
we had not shawid. And that also he was sente at 
thys tyme for to schawe and to declare unto us fully 
the kynge his lordes mynd and purpose openly and 
clerely in every thynge, and no thynge for to be kepid 
cloosse nor to be hid from us, to theintent that when 
that we shuld come unto your royall presence, that 
we shuld manifest and schawe the same unto your 
grace in secrete wise and unto non other person. 
Where we saied unto the said Almasan “The kynges 

R 2 


A.D. 1505. 


260 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


grace owr sovereyn lorde trustithe verely and hathe 
hit for ondowteid that his brother and cussyn yowr 
suffereyn lorde wille observe and firmely kepe all suche 
causes as that hathe byn concludid and putt in arti- 
culis by his inbassatures with hys highnes. And for 
as muche as every daye aprochethe the tyme apoyntid 
of the mariaje by the grace of God by twyxt my 
lorde the prynce of Wales,’ son and eyre unto the 
kynge of Ynglond owr suffereyn lorde and the lady 
Kataryn dow3ghter unto the nobill kynge your lorde, 
the whiche tyme shalbe at the fest of Sant John the 
Baptiste next comeynge or there abowte, the whiche 
tyme the kynges grace owr suffereyn lorde trustithe 
that hit ys right well remembrid and that at that 
tyme every thyng shalbe performed and paid im the 
behalfe of the kynge your lorde.” 

Wherunto the said Almasan saied “ Ye schalbe in- 
sewred that the kynge my lorde ys rizghte well deter- 
myned and provided yn every condushion for to per- 
forme all and every thynge at the tyme of the said 
mariaje, and no thynge to be fawted in his behalfe 
acordeynge unto the articules thereuppon made. And 
so of late he hathe wretyn unto the doctor de Puebla 
his inbassatur acordeynge to the same. For the 
kynge my lorde hathe most in favor, and his highnes 
ys most dessiros of the consangwynyte and amyte of 
the kynge your suffereyn lord then of any prynce 
leveynge and for to take his parte and quarell ayenst 
all other prynces. Wherfore his hizghnes ys ever 
dessiros of augementacion of consangwynyte and amyte 
to be incresid by twyxt their highnesses by all the 
meanes that can be devised.” 

The said Almasan saied “ For certeyn the kyng my 
lorde ys fully determyned for to order and rewle thys 


——_— —- rr rr a mm 


1 Prince Henry, Arthur being dead. 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 261 


reame of Castelle for the terme of hys liffe, and not AD. 1505. 
for to menysshe nor lese therin of his onor and profite 
the valewe of a ben acordeynge unto the quynes 
laste wille and testement. For there be two thyngs 
that helpe hys highnes that he shuld so do; oon ys 
the quynes wille, and a nother the lawe of thys land 
gevithe that every kynge after the decesse of the 
quyn by whom the land movithe haveynge childer by 
hirre, the kynge shall governe the land for the terme 
of his life. And so wolle the kynge my lorde do; 
and so hit ys most benificiall unto thys reame that 
he shuld so do. For in his tyme, God be thankid 
that he hathe rulid thys land to their onor and profitte, 
and at the furst begynnynge thys land stoode in grete 
trobille. By the meanes of false kny3ghtes of thys land 
the Kynge of Portyngale had entred the land, and in 
his favore the Frenshe Kyng had besegeid Fountraby, 
where by the helpe of God, the Kynge my lorde had 
the victory and drave the Kynge of Portyngale for to 
flee the land of Castell and also his aune land and 
putte the Frenshemen to a rebuke. And so y trust 
in Allmy3ghty God that in case that any person here- 
after wille atempte any thynge ayenst the Kynges 
hizghnes my lorde, that he shalbe abille for to denfend 
hym and thys reame. For all or the most parte of the 
nobills and comons of thys land be loveynge, faste and 
trewe unto hym ; notwithstondeynge that some thoughte 
in mediatly after the decesse of the quyne that all the 
warld shuld have gon to losse, and dyverse persons have 
byn myndid for to make devision by twyxte the kynge 
and the archeduke; the whiche persons the kyng 
knowithe rizght welle, notwithstandeynge they make 
good contenance towards the kynge. But his highnes 
knowithe the rancors of theire hartes; as of the duke 
of Anajara And other therbe that be dessiros of trobill ; 
butt they tharre not be knowen therof in worde nor 
dede. For in case that they coold ons atempte the 


262 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


A.D, 1505. mater, the kynge my lorde hathe so provided that he 
maye distroye theym all in a daye, and that they do 
welle knowe. Wherfore the said duke daily wretithe 
unto the kynge my lorde, that he ys as faithefull and 
trewe unto hys higghnes as any sugette that he hathe, 
and desirithe the kynge that his grace wille commond 
hym to do any service in feats of warre ayenst the 
Mores, or ayenst any other of his enymes, wherin his 
trowthe maye be knowen and shawid. And this he 
dissemeles with the kynge, the whiche the kynge welle 
knowithe hys mynd. For he wilbe at large and not 
come unto the corte, sayenge that he wille not come 
there as longe as the condestabill, his enymy, ys there, 
for feer that they or their servants shuld not agree ; 
wherof variance my3ghte come nere unto the Kynges 
person. And for to avoide that in convenyens, he wille 
not come there, this ys his exscuse.” 

We saied unto the said Almasan “We mervele of the 
duke of Anajara, for we understond that at the furst 
comeynge of the kynge in to this land, that the said 
duke was faster unto his highnes then any other 
person, and also he ys nere of the kynge’s bloode.” 

’ The said Almasan saied “Trowthe ye do saye; not- 
withstondynge, after the decesse of the quyn, everiche 
of the grete lordes of this land thowzghte in his herte 
for to rule and to be as a kynge. Wherfore the kynge 
hathe so discretely provided that nether grete ne smalle 
thare move for to displese his highnes. For the duke 
of Anajera, the Conde Debenavente and other suffer the 
kynges officers for to do more execucions in their 
lordshipes then ever was don in the life of the quyn. 
Wherfore God be thankid that gevythe so grete victo- 
ries unto the kynge my lorde. For in his tyme he 
hathe distroied the erisy of thys land and expellid 
the infidelys, and conquerid the land of Granada and 
of Napules, that hathe byn the service of God and his 
rizght. And so he trustithe in Almizghty God that 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 263 


he shall hereafter over come his enymes that wille A.D. 1505. 
atempte any thynge ayenst his highnes” And saied 
“Ye shall understond that the kyng, my lorde, nowe 
hathe don ordeyn an armey of iiij shippes and x or xij 
gales, wherin thershall passe xij or xiiij m'. men of 
warre from the porte of Malike, the whiche by the grace 
of God shall aryve at the porte of Oran, and there for 
to take some enterprize yef that they can. And in 
case that they can not have theire purpose at the said 
porte of Oran, then they shall come alonge that coost 
un to that they shall come unto a toune that the kynge 
my lorde of late hathe goten there, the whiche toune 
ys callid Meleyla, the whiche they shall leve fortefied, 
and for thys tyme to come theire waye home ayen by 
cause of the seson of the yere. For hit ys no good 
makynge of warre in farre owteward partes in the 
wynter seson The kynge was determyned for to have 
made a very grete armey into the Barbory thys yere ; 
but he hathe byn so ocupied abowte the ordorynge of 
the quyne’s testament that his hizghnes cowde not be 
at any laisure. Wherfore this yere he was determyned 
for to have made no armey in to that partie. But 
by cause that his Grace hathe some intelygens with a 
capytayn of that parties, and another cause ys for as 
muche as that his grace so lately hathe conquerid the 
land of Granada wherunto they of Barbory be full 
nere, and gladly the Mores desire for to have the said 
land of Granada ayen, therfore the kynge as at thys 
tyme makithe this army to the intent that the Mores 
shall fere for to make any armey for to passe in to the 
parties of Granada, Dyverse kynges of Barbory have 
of late sent unto the kyng my lorde for to have peas 
and for to leve under tribute, wherunto his hizghnes 
wille not agree, sayeng that he trustithe in or 
then longe to for to make peas hym selfe in the myddes 
of the Barbory.” 


A.D, 1505. 


264 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


The said Almasan secretary saied “ For sothe the 
kynge my lorde full interely lovithe the kynge arche- 
duke his son in lawe and his highnes ys full gretely 
dessiros for to see hym and the quyn his wiffe in thys 
land ; and in case that the said kynge archeduke wolle 
come hether and brynge his quyne with hym and be 
rulid and govornid by the counsaile of the kynge my 
lorde, he schall lacke no thynge that ys in this land 
and the kynge wille loveyngly resayve hym as his 
proper son ; and in case that he wilbe govorned by other 
counsaile and he intend for to come unto thys land by 
force or other synester meanes contrary unto the wille 
and plesure of the kynge my lorde hys faderinlawe, the 
kynge wille resayve and take hym acordeyngly and 
as a stranger. For the kynge wille lose no thynge 
of hys onor, and the kynge is gretely displesid that 
the kynge archeduke ys so muche inclyned unto 
Frenshemen and that he ys so muche rulyd by 
Franshe counsaill, wherby he schalbe dissayvid. For 
as to the mariaje, of that he trustithe that ys treteid 
by twyxt his son and the dow3ghter of France, that 
shall not be holden, the Frenshemen be so sotill. For 
in tyme comeynge the said dow3ghter shalbe maried 
unto the dollfyn of France. Therfor the kynge my 
lorde ys sory that he shalbe so dissayved by false 
consaile. And a nother thynge grevis gretely the 
kynge my lorde, that the sayd kynge archeduke on 
kyndly intretithe the quyne his wiffe and not delithe 
with hir as a nobill estate schuldbe delyd withall. 
Wherwith the kynge is right hevy in mynd; and 
thereuppon his highnes hathe wretyn his letters unto 
the kynge archeduke dessireynge hym that for his 
sake he wille remember hym selfe and remember that 
the quyn ys a nobill woman by whom he schall 
inerete grete possecions. And in case that he so wold 
do that he shuld have his favor and any helpe that 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 265 


his highnes coude make or do, whereas yet the kynge A.D, 1505. 
can not understond that he intretes the quyne any 
better but rather every daye worsse then other. And 
thys hathe byn shawid unto the kynge archedukes 
in in! bassatores that be here, that in case so be that he 
mysseintrete the quyne and that he be rulid by the 
counsaile of Frenshemen and not after the counsaile of 
the kynge his faderinlawe, that hit wilbe to the dis- 
plesure of the kynge my lorde and of the reame of 
Spayne but that hit shalbe to the hurt of the kynge 
archeduke and to the contrey of Flanders.” 

More the said secretary saied “ The kynge my lorde 
gretely mervelithe of the kynge archeduke what mynd 
that he ys offe, for as muche that he never hathe found 
in hym any kynd or faste demenor nor in the kynge 
of Romaynes his fader. Ye schalle understond that 
when the kynge my lorde had fynysshed his warre in 
the reame of Napules and had taken trewes and made 
peas for serteyn yeres with the Freynshe kynge, his 
highnes sent 1j letters, oon unto the kynge of Romaynes 
and another unto the archeduke, wherein he wratte 
unto the kynge of Romaynes that for as muche as 
the Freynshe kynge contrary [to*] rizght held the 
duchy of Melan the which be- longithe unto theem- 
perour, yn case so were that the said kynge of Romanes 
in his awne titell and quarell wold move warre ayenst 
the saied Freynshe kynge for the saied duchy of 
Mellan and that he wold come in his aune person 
thougghe that he brouzght with hym but a small power, 
the kynge my lord promised hym for to send suche an 
armey ayenst the Frenshe kynge in the ayde and favor 
of the said kynge of Romaynes that shuld putt hym 
ayen in his possecion and rizghte of Melan at his aune 
proper cost and charge. And after that don in like case 





Sic in MS. 3 Omitted in MS, 


AD. 1505, 


266 _ REPORT OF AMBASSADORS: 


he wratte unto the archeduke that in case that the 
Freynshe kynge wold not delyver unto hym all that 
be longithe unto the duchey of Burgoyn that he wold 
in his favor at his awne proper coste and charge send 
suche an armey bothe by land and by water that the 
said archeduke shuldbe putt in possecion therof. Off 
the whiche causes the said kynge of Romaynes nor 
the archeduke never made aunshwer un to the kynge 
my lorde, but in contenently thereuppon the said 
kynge and archeduke on knoweynge and with owte 
consaile or a sent of the kynge my lorde, they toke 
a fynall peas and concorde with the Freynshe kynge 
in the whiche amyte and peas they made no mencyon 
of the kynge my lorde nor of the kynge of Ynglond 
yowr lord, nor of non other prynces, exsepte oonly 
theym three, all as oon, jontely bounde theym selfe 
they for to take everyche others parte ayenst all 
other prynces of the warld. The whiche the kynge 
my lorde takithe for agrete on kyndnes. That not 
withstondeynge, in case that the kynge archeduke wille 
come in to the reame of Castell with the quyne hys 
wiffe and welle intrete hir as a nobill woman and by 
the consent and counsaile of the kynge my lorde his 
faderinlawe the kynge wille loveyngly resayve hym 
in to his howse as his son. And otherwise not; for 
the kynge wille not be over masterd within his aune 
lands; and by suche deleynge the archeduke hathe 
lost and shall lose the love of the comeunes of thys 
land.” 

The saied secretary saied that he had seyn the copy 
of the articules that we had delyverd unto the kynge, 
and saied that hit agreid with the booke that the 
doctor de Puebla had by fore sent. Notwithstondynge 
he saied that the secretary was gretely to be blamed 
that wratte the same bookes. We askid the cause 
whye, and he saied “For they be not in deferently 
made ; for by the same articules the kynge my lorde 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 267 


ys bounde at alltymes requerid for to ayde the Kynge A.D. 1505. 
of Ynglond your lorde with his armey at his aune 
proper cost and charge ; and the kynge your lorde ys 
not 80 bounde to do; wherin there ys no deferency.” 
And we saied that there ys no thynge putt in the 
said articules but by the a sent of the inbassatores of 
Spayne. Wherunto he aunshewerd and saied, “The 
kynge hathe made anshewer and wretyn his mynd in 
that be halfe unto the doctor de Puebla.” And saied 
“The Kynge of Ynglond your sofereyn lorde maye be 
well in sewred that the kynges highnes my lorde 
lovithe and trustithe his brother the Kynge of Ynglond 
more and above all other prynoes, and fully ys deter- 
myned for to take his parte as hit were his aune.” 
And saied “The kynge my lorde hathe grete mervele 
what that the Kynge of Romaynes and the Kynge 
archeduke do intende. For nowe of late the saied 
kynges have invested the Frenshe kynge in to the 
duchey of Melan. But trust ye verely when that the 
Frenshemen have that they do dessire, the archeduke 
shalbe disayvid, and the Kynge of Romaynes also; 
for that they do ys of theire aune myndes and with 
owte a sent of the kynges yowr lord and myn, wherof 
in tyme to come they wille repent.” 

More the said secretary saied “ Wheras the kynges 
grace of Yngland ys dessiros for to have the rebell ! 
that ys forthe of his land, so that his highnes my3ghte 
have hym by the mean of the kynge my lorde rather 
then by any other mean, ye shall knowe for a trowthe 
that the kynge my lorde remembrithe that mater as 
efectually as that hit were his aune proper cause. And 
his hizghnes had trustid that he shuld have byn had long 
or thys tyme. But his grace theroff was dissayvid by 
his in bassatur, the whiche ys in the Kynge of Ro- 
maynes corte, And not only the said inbassatur hathe 





1 Edmund Delapole earl of Suffolk. 


A.D 1505. 


268 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


disayvid the kynge my lorde in that mater but also 
in many other causes and maters of his aune. Wher- 
fore the kynge my lorde ys gretely displesid with the 
same inbassatur.” We desired for to knowe the in- 
bassatores name, and he saied that his name ys Don 
John Manawell, the whiche wratte experessly unto the 
kynge my lorde that the said rebell shuldbe delyvered 
unto hym by a certeyn daye with owte any faile. 
“ Wheruppon the kynge my lorde had apoyntid with 
the said hys inbassatur that after that the said rebell 
were so had that he shuldbe sent unto Napules for 
the most sewer convayans; and there he schuld have 
byn delyverd unto the capytayn Gonsalo Fernandes. 
Wheruppon the kynge wratte unto Gonsalo Fernandes 
that he shuld resayve and savely kepe the said rebell 
unto suche tyme that the kynge your suffereyn lordes 
plesure were knowen, and then the said rebell to 
be delyverd unto suche persons as that his highnes 
shuld plese and command. All the whiche the said 
Gonsalo Fernandes was redy for to have don yef the 
case had so fortunyd, but the said inbassatur wrozghte 
not just nor trewly; and afterwards by sotill crafte, 
when that the said rebell was escapid, he wratte his 
escape unto the kynge, sayenge that he went that 
he had byn sewer of the said rebell and that his 
owne weteynge that he was departeid to the duke of 
Gelders. Where with the Kynge my lorde ys displesid 
with the said in bassatur and hathe discharged hym 
of hys rome and wille putt another there.” Wherfore 
the said secretary saied “In case that y were of the 
kynge yowr lordes consaile y wold have the said rebell 
by on mean or other. And in case that the Kynge of 
Romaynes and the kynge archeduke do well agree and 
contenewe in amyte with the kynge my lorde y dowte 
not but that the said rebell shall schortely be had by 
the mean of the kynge my master; for his highnes 
myndithe the mater as hit were hys aune.” 





270 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


A.D, 1505, the cite, and there the quyn was loged in the castell, 
where on the thrid daye after that the kynge went 
unto the castell for to have comenicacion with the quyn 
his suster. And as the comon voyse was that the 
especiall cause was consernynge yowr highnes for that 
mariaje. And there the Kynge laye ij ny3ghts, and 
oon a Sondaye in the mornynge retornid ayen unto 
hys aune logeynge and not contentid with some maters 
that had passid by twyxt the Quyn and hym as we 
coude perceyve and understond that the said old Quyn 
lovythe so much the Quyn hir dow3ghter that she can 
not forbere hir company. And grete labor ys made by 
the Napolitans that the yonge quyn my3ghte be maried 
unto the duke of Calabrya to theintente that he shuldbe 
Kynge of Napules Wherunto the old quyn ys gretely 
inclyned for that she knowthe that contrey and hathe 
possecions therein. Where unto the Kynge of Aragon 
wille not condesent nor agree. Hit hathe be movid 
unto the said Kynge that he shuld mary the yonge 
Quyn his nice; and in case that the mariaje had not 
byn concludid by twyxt my lorde the prynce and my 
lady the prynces, that then my lady the prynces shuld 
have byn maried unto the duke of Calabrya and after 
the decesse of the Kynge of Aragon they to have byn 
Kynge and Quyn of Napules We understondynge 
thys on a daye y John Stile beynge in comeunicacion 
with Almasan the secretary, unto whom y saied “Sir, 
ye knowe welle that y and my company were at 
Valencya with the quynes of Napules, unto whom we 
brow3ghte letters from my lady the Prynces of Wales, 
theire nice and cussyn, the whiche lady prynces as 
anobill lady ys gretely desiros for to hire of theire 
nobill prosperites ; for she had never seyn the yonge 
quyn hir cussyn.” 

Wherefore y saied that at my beynge at Valencya 
y had dessired for to have had the pictur of the yonge 
quyn for to have brouzghte hit unto my said lady the 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 271 


prynces. Whereun! the old quyn y saied wold no grante A.D. 1506. 
in no wise. The said secretary saied “ Y knowe rizght 
welle the cause of yowr beynge at Valencya. Trowthe 
hit ys that all wemen be strange at the furst, yet after- 
wards they be reformyd; and so wille and shalle theis 
quynes be. For in case that the said yonge quyn were 
here ye shuld have the pictor of hir with yow. In case 
that ye had furst comen by the kynge my lorde, his 
higghnes wold have causid yow for to have had the 
pictor and other thyngs that ye wold have dessyred. 
But for so muche as that she ys not here at thys tyme, 
hit can not be had exsepte that ye wille retorne to 
Monvedro, where as nowe she ys. Notwithstandeynge 
as tucheynge that mater that ye cam for unto Valencya, 
the kynge my lorde wolle and hathe ordored the mater 
as hit shalbe plesure unto the Kynge of Ynglond your 
suffereyn lorde. For the kynges highnes my lorde 
tenders and favorithe all and everiche of his causes as 
his aune; and yn case that his hizghnes had in his 
power that he hathe not, that ys, the Prynce Charles of 
Spayne, his grace wold make a nother maryaje by twyxt 
hym and the dow3ghter® of the kynge your lorde, for 
of a trowthe the kynge my lorde ys firmely sette for 
to awgement and in crese amyte for ever by twyxt the 
reame of Ynglond, Spayne, and Aragon all that he can 
or maye by fore all othe regyons. And therfore yet 
he trustithe that he shall brynge that mater abowte ; 
yef not God makes eyres every daye. The which he 
ment by the kynge archdukes son that ys in Castele. 


11. Item, whether the lawes and matiers of justice, 
proclamacions and ordenances, and other acts con- 
cernyng the ruling of the reame passe by writings in 


! Sic in MS, * The Princess Mary. 


A.D. 1505. 


272 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


his awne name as king or administrator, orells an the 
name of the King and Quene of Castele. 


Your grace shall understond that all proclamacions 
wreteyngs and comaundaments be made in the Quyn 
Donia Joanes name and the Kynge Don Fernando as 
govornor and administrator of the reames of Castell 
and Lions, Granada and Cicelya, for the said quyn his 
dow3ghter ; and of the archeduke ys no mencion made 


' of hym in any suche causes. 


12. Item, whether ther be any ambassadors of any 
outwarde parties, and specially of Ffrance, resorting to 
that courte, and for what matiers they repaire thidder. 


Yowr grace shall understond that at owr comeynge 
un to the kynges corte there was an inbasatur of the 
Kynge of Romans, the whiche inbassatur was some 
tyme a secretary un to the duke of Melan We cowde 
not understond nor knowe what causes or maters that 
the said inbassatur there solucitid ; but he contenewaly 
kepid company with Monsieur de Verey, the whiche ys 
the Kynge archedukes inbassatur there. And some 
tyme we sawe the saied inbassatur with the Kynge 
in open place but never that he fowlad for to sewe 
any maters in the corte. And the kynge arche- 
dukes inbassatur cam but selden in the corte for he 
was so diseasid of his lege that he passid not his 
logeynge. Also there ys an inbassatur of Venice the 
whiche hathe contewnid there a yere or more. 

Also there were vj or vij inbassaturs of the cite of 
Napules and of other cites and townes of the reame 
that cam to the kynge for maters and ordorynge of the 
hoole reame of Napulys. 

As for in bassatures of the parties of France there 
were non, nor we hard of non comeynge thether wards. 
And by all thyngs that we cowde hire and understond 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 273 


that the kynge nor his lords nor counsaile nor non A.D. 1505. 
of that land, grete ne small, favor nor trust the Frenshe- 

men, but that they be right sore displesid that the 

kynge archewde! ys so gretely rulid as that they do 

thynke by the counsaile of Frenshemen. 


18. Item, to enquere what auctoritie doctor de Puebla 
is with the king ther, his cownseill, the nobles and the 
communes of that reame. 


Your grace shall understond that the doctor de 
Puebla, by that we can persayve and understond, ys 
gretely in the favor of the kynge, and of suche of his 
counsaile that do knowe hym, and in specially he ys 
gretely in the favor off Almasan the secretary. But 
for the contenewance of the said doctor hathe byn 
absent from that parties, dyverse and many of the 
lords and of the counsaile and comeunes do not knowe 
hym; notwithstondeynge suche as that knewe hym 
when that he was coregeador and juge in dyverse 
places of that land they do comende hym for the 
admenisterynge of good justice. 


14. Item, whether ther be good obeissance to the 
King of Aragon, and what justice is ministred 
ther by hym. 


Plesithe yowr grace that we can not understond but 
that the moste parte bothe the nobills and the 
comeunes of the lands of Spayne and Aragon be 
obedyent and loveynge un to the afore said kynge; 
for he menistres very good justice unto theym as that 
they can desire. Wherfore they do fynd theym welle 





1 Sie in MS. 


A.D. 1505. 


2974 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


contentid with hym in all thynges, saveynge only they 
saye that he ys gretely in clyned to covytewes and 
sore charges theym with taskes Wherfore they be 
gretely dessiros that the kynge archeduke schuld 
come and the quyn, the whiche they do trust wolbe 
more favorabill unto the comeunes then this kynge ys 
in suche causes. 


15. Item, to enquere howe i standeth betwiate the 
King of Aragon and the King of Portingale. And 
whether ther be any favor or intelligence betwixte the 
King of Romaynes and the said King of Aragon, 
discorde or debate. 


Yowr grace schall understond that we kowde have 
non understondynge but that the Kynge of Portyngale 
muche lovithe and favorithe the said Kynge of Aragon 
his fader in lawe and that in tyme of hys nede that 
he wolle fully take his parte as his awne ayenst any 
other prynce, notwithstondeynge that the said kynges 
kepe hit secrete to theym selfe as thow3ghe that the 
Kynge of Portyngale melles nor moves not. And 
where at the Kynge of Aragons beynge at atowne 
callid Touro that ys on the marches of Portyngale, the 
quyn hys dougghter wold have comen unto hym ; but 
he wold not suffer hirre, as hit ys sayed, by cause of 
mornynge for dethe of the quyne. 

Hit was openly schawid and saied at owr beynge 
at Valencia that the Kynge of Aragon shuld sewerly 
be maryed, and that he was maried all redy un too 
the lady of Spayne callid the Excelenta that was 
callid Kynge Harrys douzghter of Spayne, that was 
weddid unto the Kynge Alfonso of Portyngale ; whiche 
was not so, as hit was shawid at Valencya as hit 
aprovid after in dede. Also on atyme beynge in owr 
company ij herawdes of armes, the oon callid Aragon 
and the other Toledo, they shawid unto us in Segovia 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 275 


that where in many yeres paste the said lady of Spayne A.D. 1506. 
that ys callid the Excelenta hathe with grete ward byn 

kepid in a nonry by sides Lixborne ; and that nowe of 

late dais the Kynge of Portyngule had taken the said 

lady forthe of that nonry, and with a grete and 
onorabill company had brouj3ghte hir to Lixborne unto 

his pales and corte; and so onorabilly intretes hir, 

for what intent of a sewerty we can not knowe nor 
perceyve. 

Plesithe yowr grace, we cowde never have parfite 
understondynge for what mater or cause that thein- 
bassatur of the Kynge of Romans contenewthe in the 
corte of Spayne, but for to be contenewally there for 
to lerne tydeyngs whatso fortune, and to kepe com- 
pany with the kynge archedukes inbassatur. For the 
Kynge Don Fernando of Aragon hathe no confidens 
nor trust un to the Kynge of Romaynes; for he 
saiethe that he never found hym constant nor stedffast 
in any cause. 


16. Item, to undrestande in what auctoritie Fferdi- 
nande Duke 18 taken in the King of Aragons courte, 
and in what reputacion or office he 2. 


Plesithe yowr grace that in as muche as we can 
understond that Farnando Duke sone after his come- 
ynge home in to the corte of Castell, the quyne 
decessid, for she was seke or that he cam. Wherfore 
he had not many words nor comeunicacion with her. 
And sithen the dissece of the quyn he hathe made 
labore unto the kynge for to be in the offiee and 
rome that he had by fore that he cam unto yowr 
grace as an bassator. And so by hys labore the kynge 
hathe admyttid hym to be oon of hys masters de Sala 
as by fore tyme he was. And so in the corte he ys 
holden and taken for an onest, wise jantalman. At 

8 2 





Yowr grace schall understond that the said kynge 
bad in his corte atendeynge on hym of the speritualty, 
the Archebysshoppe off Toledo that ys a graye freer 
observant ; and the Archebyshoppe of Civille, that ys 
a blacke freer observant ; the Bisshoppe of Cordoa, pre- 
sedent of his counsaill ; the Bysshoppe of Palencya, the 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 277 


Bysshoppe of Terrasona, the Bysshoppe of Osma, and A.D. 150s. 
Don Alonso the Almyrantes brother, and other many 
prests ; and of temporall lordes the Condestabill of 
Castell, the Duke de Alva, the Duke of Calabrya, the 
Almyrante of Castell, the Conde de Melgar the Alme- 
rantes brother, the Duke de Alborkerke, Don Jobn 
de Cabrera that ys chamberleyn, the Markes de Dene 
that ys steward, the Markes de Moyea that ys con- 
destabill of the castell of Segovya, and the comendador 
mayor of the order of Calatrava, that ys a nobill man. 
And for as muche as that the Kynge hym selfe ys 
master of all the thre ordores, that ys to say of Sant 
Jamys, Calatrava, and Alcantara, therfore in the corte 
ys contenewally ic. or mo of the same kny3ghtes that 
be ever redy to ride or goe geveynge atendans on the 
kynge. The said kynge ussithe every daye for to 
rise contenewally by fore vj of the clocke, and by for 
viij of the clocke he hathe hard ij masses; and after 
the masses don yef he fast not he goes to his dyner 
in achambur where every man may se hym. He ys 
a good feder and eets his mete lustely, and dryngs 
two grete drau3ghtes of wyne and water at hys dyner 
and no more. He sittes never past halfe an owr at 
his tabill, and non other person sittes with hym. 
When his highnes hathe dyned, every lord and other 
goe to theire logeynges to dyner; for in the cort 
dynes no man but only the kynge. 


18. Item, to marke well his personage, his age, com- 
plexion, habilitie and lustynes, and whether he be 
towards any mariage, or that ther be any speche 
therof, and to marke his maner, stature, gesture, 
complexion, age and countenance, and of what sad- 
denesse and gravitie he is of. 


Yowr grace shall understond that the said kynge 
ys a goodly maner of personage and of a sangwyn 


278 ‘ REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


A.D, 1505, complexion and ri3ght lusty of his age, for he ys of 
the age of lv or lvj yere old ; and yn his comewnicacion 
he hathe a smyleynge contenance. And some what 
the said kynge lispes in his speche, the cause thereof 
we thynk ys of a tothe the whiche he lacks by fore. 
And in his spekeynge and smyleynge he hathe a litell 
caste with his lefte eye. And he hathe bothe person- 
age and visaje all of a good favor, like a man of a groce 
and stronge nature. And as tucheynge mariaje, hit was 
playnly saied at owr beynge at Valencia that he was 
or shuldbe maried un to the Excelenta that ys in 
Portyngale, wherwith many of that parties rejoysid. 
And also in owr comewnycacion with Almasan hys 
secretary we demandid of hym wher that he thougghte 
where ever the kynge wold marie ayen or not; and 
he saied yef ever that he mary, the archeduke shalbe 
causer thereof. For in case that the archeduke do dele 
well, playn and loveyngly with the kynge he wold 
then never mary. In case that he dele otherwyse, he 
shall cause hym for to do that thynge that he ys not 
myndid for to do. 

At Blayes hit was shawid unto us by my lord 
Herbert that the Frenshe kynge had shawid unto 
hym that the said Kynge of Aragon shuld marye in 
France a yonge lady callid Madama de Foyes, wherof 
we hard no moshyon in Spayne at owr beynge there. 

At owre beynge in the corte of Spayne hit was 
schawid un to us by a chapellyn that was dene of my 
lady the prynces chapell, whoes name ys Sir Alisander 
Garatyn, that dyverse moshions have byn made unto 
the said kynge by hys counsaile that he shuld marye, 
unto the whiche he wold never grante for a certeyn 
diseas the whiche he hathe under his syde. Wherfore 
his feshecians advise and concell his highnes not for to 
marye. 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ARRAGON. 279 


19. Item, whether he be reputed to be of grete eub- AD. 1505, 
stance of richesse or not. 
Yowr grace shall understond that the said kynge 
ys reputed for to be very riche. For as long as the 
quyn lyved, he spent no thynge of his revenews of the 
reames of Aragon and Cicella; but he had acerteyn! 
owte of the croune of Castell for to mayntene his astate 
withall. And so he ever getherid agrete tresor, the 
whiche he hathe don always to be kepeid in the castell 
of Schatyva, that ys vj or viij leges from Valencya. 


20. Item, to wnderstande what favor the men of 
warre of that parties bere unto hym. 

Yowr grace achall understond that the men of warre 
rigght much do favor and love the said kynge, and 
the said kynge conteneually hathe v.c. speres lyenge 
yn dyverse places abowte hym; some xx leges, some 
xiiij or xv leges from hym And also he hathe causid 
lx. m! of hys aune comeunes for to use theym selfe in 
the feats of warre after the maner of the Swytheners 
with marys pykes, handgons and halberds unto the 
whiche they be verry appte. Wherof the said kynge 
hathe alredy a c. persons in his gard goynge afote when 
that he ridithe un to any place or jorney. 


21. Item, to enquere whether ther-be any warre 
betwiate hym and the Mores, or betwiate hym and any 
other outwarde parties, and whether the veame of 
Naples be in good obeissunce wnto the said King of 
Aragon or not; and in what state and condicion that 
reame nowe standeth, and whether his capitain in 
Naples obbeye wnto hym or not. 


Yowr grace shall understond that the said kynge 
thys yere nowe of late makithe warre ayenst the Moris 





‘Sic in MS, 


280 REPORT OF AMBASSADORS 


A.D. 1505. of Barbory, and in specially he intendithe a yenst the 
Kynge of Oran; for the whiche he hathe provided in 
the porte of Malike ij shippes and x or xij galis 
wherin shall passe xij or xiiij m'. men to be landid. 
The whiche armey was redy to departe from Malike by 
the x‘ day of Awgust; and in case that they shuld faile 
of their enterprise at Oran then they to come alonge 
the cost of Barbory to atoune that he hathe there callid 
Mellila, and for to reffreshe that towne and then for to 
returne home ayen for thys yere for by cause of the 
wynter. For the next yere he intends by Godes grace 
to make a grete armey at the begynynge of the yere. 

And as for the reame of Napullis ys fully and hoole 
under the obaysyens of the Kynge of Aragon, and the 
Capytan Gonsalo Farnandes ys full just, trewe and 
obedyent unto the said kynge his master; but the 
comons of the contrey of Napulls be not very well 
content with the capytayn, sayenge that he pillys them 
sore and latys not theym for to have their lyberties. 
Wherfore ther be dyverse in bassatores of the cites and 
contrey and townes with the said kynge that do sewe 
for their liberties. So hit ys said that the kynge wille 
send the archebysshoppe of Saragosa, that ys his 
bastard sone, thether for to be govornor there and the 
Napolitans dessire for to have the duke of Calabrya; 
wherof the kynge wilnot so. 


22. Item, that dailly and nightly they putte in 
writing all things by theym seen and herde that 
they shall thinke wurthy to be remembred according 
to these imstruccions, and every poincte and article of 
the same. 

Item, the kinges said servantes at their being in 
the kinges corte of Aragon shull, at some convenient 
tyme and season when they shall thinke good, by as 
discrete wayes as they can use, as of theymself make 
an overture and remembrance to some substanciall 


TOUCHING THE KING OF ABRAGON. 281 


persone or personnes of the kinges secrete counseill A.D, 1505. 
ther howe that the spouselles and mutrimonye be con- 
tractid and made betwene my lord the prynce of 
Wales, the kinges son and heire, and the ladie 
Katheryn princesse and doughter to the said King of 
Aragon. And that the tyme of the solempnisacion of 
the matrimonye dailly approcheth and draweth nigh 
more and more, whiche shalbe aboutes myddesomer 
come twelmonethes aftre the date of these instruccions ; 
whiche shalbe in the yere of our lord m'cccccwy. 
Wherfor, inasmoche as the kinges highnesse hath doon 
und entendeth to performe almaner poincts and 
articles concernyng the perfeccion of the said matri- 
monye according to his promise in that behalf, they 
suppose and thinke verailly that the said king wolbe 
remembred of the said tyme, and against the same 
provide, that all convencions and promyses made for 
his part concernyng thesaid mariage, aswell for pay- 
ment of the doote as for all other things contayned 
and specified in thurticles therfor devised and con- 
cluded, shalbe performed and fulfilled in every 
behalf. And that they note well what answer shall 
bee yeven unto theym upon that overture and remem- 
brance, putting the same in writing at lengthe to bee 
shewed to the kinges highnesse at their retorne. 

Plesithe yowr grace that thys articule ys awnshewerd 
byfore in the comeunicacion had with Almasan the 
secretary in articule [x'] 





1 Blank in MS. 


282 RECEPTION OF PHILIP 


A NARRATIVE OF THE RECEPTION OF PHILIP KING OF 
CASTILE IN ENGLAND IN 1506. 


AD. 1506, THE 7th day of January, the 21st year of our 
Sovereign Lord King Henry the Seventh, Philip, 
king of Castile, archduke of Austria, duke of Bur- 
goyne, &., and the queen his wife, accompanied with 
many of the nobility of Basse Germany, Henaute, 
Flanders, and Artoys, to the number of two or three 
thousand, as I am informed, took their ships in 
Zealand, and so passed before Calais by night, shooting 
guns, having great torches lit in his and divers other 
ships, trumpets and minstrels playing and singing, with 

Philip great pomp passing the narrow seas. Which mirth 

ong of was shortly afterwards turned into great heaviness ; 

meets with for three days following they were all sparkeled and 
storm at in danger to have been drowned. And the Thursday 

16 Jan, being the 16th day of January the said 21st year of 

king Henry the Seventh by fear of the said right 

and lands great and mighty tempest was driven to land the 
inEngland. said Philip, king of Castile, and the queen his wife 
with him, &, which lay at anchor the Thursday all 

day beside Weymouth, and the Friday landed at Mel- 

combe alone without any other ships being at that 

time in his company; but afterwards there came to 

the same port two small barks of his. All his other 

ships were sparkled, some to Rye, Winchester, Dart- 

mouth, Falmouth, and Wales: some were drowned. 

For he went to take possession of the realms of Cas- 

tile, Lyones and Granada. And as soon as he was 


KING OF CASTILE. 283 


arrived he sent the king word, calling him father, of A.D. 1506. 
his great trouble and jeopardy on the sea, and showed 
and ascertained him how he was applicked to his 
realm, and to understand his pleasure; for he was 
deliberate to do that thing that might please him, and 
also to see him and his Court. Howbeit, as I under- 
stand by the report of some of his servants Bur- 
goigniones, the Spaniards counselled him to the con- 
trary, and would have caused him to take the sea 
again if they might have ruled him, and some of 
them would have kept them in manner by force with 
them. 

And immediately, as soon as the king had received 
the king of Castile’s letter, he was right glad of the 
tidings, and that his son the king of Castile and the 
queen had escaped so great danger; for the said king 
of Castile and the queen his wife had been by the 
space of forty-eight hours that they looked hourly to 
have perished in the sea. And incontinent the king 
sent letters to gentlemen dwelling near the seaside 
there, to feast him and the queen his wife, and to 
attend upon him, and to do him as great cheer and 
pleasure as they would do to his own person if he 
were there present ; after incontinently sent divers of 
his menial servants, and after sent Sir Thomas 
Brandone and divers other gentlemen with hobbyes, 
palfreys, litters, &c, and after him he sent other 
servants. 

Memorandum, that the 8lst of January, which was King 
on a Saturday in the year of our Lord 1505, and the Henry ou 
21st year of our sovereign lord king Henry VII, his at Windsor, 
highness received the king of Castile at his castle of! Je. 
Windsor in manner as followeth. First, his grace rode 
towards the said king of Castile a mile or more out 
of Windsor, and there in an arable field met with 
him, and when the king’s company approached near 
to the said king of Castile some stood on one part 


284 RECEPTION OF PHILIP 


A.D. 1506. and some on the other part, and so made a lane that 


And cone 
ducts him 
to the 
castle. 


the two kings might meet together. And when the 
king of Castile perceived the king he took off his 
hat, and in like manner the king took off his, and 
with a loving and glad countenance each saluted and 
embraced other. The king with many other good 
words welcomed him to his realm, and the king of 
Castile with humble and loving words smilingly 
thanked the king of the great honors that he did him, 
and also for the great pleasure and kindness that the 
king had showed and done unto him sith his arrival, 
and at divers times before ; and the said king took 
the king of Castile of his left hand, and in good 
ordinance rid towards the said castle of Windsor, the 
officers of arms bearing their coats of arms, and the 
king of of! the said kings, and so by the way, &c. The 
earl of Derby bare the sword right before the king. 
It is to be noted that there was many noble very 
well appointed, both with cloth of gold and gold- 
smith’s work, as my lord marquis,* the earl of Kent, 
the earl of Derby, the lord Henry Stafford, with 
many and divers other nobles and gentlemen. 

And when the kings were entered the first gate of 
the castle the minstrels and sackbuts played. And 
when they approached the place where they alighted, 
the king of Castile tarried and would have alighted 
afore the king; but the king would not suffer him, 
but took him forth with him, and so lighted both at 
once, the king of Castile somewhat yet before the 
king ; and in like order the lords and other noblemen 
went before the kings through the nether gallery 
towards the hall And as the king perceived that the 
king of Castile’s hat was off he took off his hat and 
would not do it on till the king of Castile was 


1 Sic in MS. ? Of Dorset. 


KING OF CASTILE. 285 


almost ready to do on his; and so went up the A.D. 1506. 
stairs, and so passed through the upper gallery to 
the king’s great chamber, which was richly hanged 
with cloth of arras and a great rich bed in the 
same chamber, where remained the knights and 
esquires; and from thence to the second chamber 
which was also richly hanged, where remained barons 
and bannerets. From thence to the third chamber, 
which was hanged with a very rich arras, in the which 
there was a cloth of estate and as rich a bed as I have 
seen; where remained the bishops, earls, and officers 
that attended upon him. And from thence would have 
conveyed the king of Castile to the fourth chamber, 
which was all hanged with rich cloth of gold, the 
border above of crimson velvet and embroidered with 
the king’s arms, with other the king’s devices, as roses, 
portcullises, &c.; but the king of Castile excused him, 
and said that the king should not take the pains to 
convey him to his lodging. Then the king showed him 
that all that he had passed through was and should 
be his lodgings, and that the king thought that place 
honored by his coming, and called him son, and said that 
he was as welcome unto him as though he had been 
his own natural son, and that his coming was not only 
most agreeable and joyful to him but to all his subjecte, 
and that that room and all his servants should be at 
the commandment of the said king of Castile, and that 
he should think he were come to his own father’s 
house; and so desired him to go at his pleasure to 
dinner or to shift him. But when the king of Castile 
perceived that that great lodgings was for him, he 
thanked the king bareheaded (for he had taken off his 
hat a little before), and said that he was sorry that 
the king had taken so much labor and pains for him, 
and for any words or thing that the king could do he 
would convey the king to his lodging, and 50 he did. 
And after the king had showed him his chamber and 


286 RECEPTION OF PHILIP 


A.D. 1506. would he should take no further pains the king would 


1 Feb. 


Sunday at 
the court. 


have somewhat reconveyed him, but the king of Castile 
would not suffer it, and so they intersaluted the one 
the other and departed. The king remained in his 
chamber and the king of Castile went to his, and so 
they both went to dinner every each in his own 
chamber, for it was fasting day and Our Lady Even 
The king of Castile’s officers and servants served their 
own lords. 

Memorandum, that as soon as the king came into 
the third chamber he took the great lords of the king 
of Castile by the hand ; and immediately after, as the 
king had done, the king of Castile took off his bonnet 
and took the most of the great lords by the hands, 
as the lord marquis with other which were attendant 
upon the king. And within a two hours afterwards 
came my lady princess with her company to the said 
castle, and so went to her lodgings. And after supper 
was done the king of Castile took with him but one 
torch and five or six gentlemen, and privily went to 
visit the king. And whereas a gentleman usher and 
other would have warned the king, he held them back 
[ with'] his own hands, and said he would warn the king 
of his coming first himself; and so came he to the 
king’s secret chamber door unwares of the king, and 
so communed together, which was great sign of perfect 
love. And whereas the king would have reconveyed 
him he would in no wise the king should take the pains, 
and so departed for that night. 

And in the morrow, being Sunday the first day of 
February, the king being lodged in the queen’s lodging 
went from his chamber to the chapel, having so many 
noblemen before him that it was long time or they 
might well pass. The lord Henry Stafford bare the 


r= nr etn 


1 Om. in MS. 


KING OF CASTILE 287 


sword, and in the right hand at the upper end of the A.D. 1506. 
choir of the said chapel there was ordained a very large 
travars of cloth of gold, in the which the king sat and 
heard the mass, which was sung by the bishop of 
Chichester in pontificalibue. And after mass the king 
went to visit the king of Castile, which that day heard 
mass in the closet within his own lodging. And when 
the king of Castile understood that the king came 
towards him, he hastily came and met the king at the 
second chamber door, for in the third chamber stood 
the king’s guard all along. And at the meeting the 
king of Castile took off his bonnet and made low 
curtsey, and bad the king good morrow. And the 
king said that he could not have well dined that day 
unless he had seen him and bid him good morrow. The 
king of Castile thanked the king of his great courtesy 
and pain; and so with divers other good words they 
both proceeded together to the king of Castile’s dining 
chamber and both stood by the fire together. 

And after they had a while communed together the 
king desired him to tarry there still, but he excused him 
and said that he would convey the king to his lodging ; 
and so the king took him on his left hand and went to 
the second chamber. And there the king desired him to 
tarry there, but he would not. And from thence they 
went together to the third chamber door, where the 
king stopped and said that he had given him too much 
pain to have gone so far; and there the king had much 
ado to make him tarry, and said that he would rather 
reconvey him than he should go any further. Then 
answered the king of Castile and said, “I see right well 
that I must needs do your commandment, and to obey 
as reason will.” And there was no sword borne within 
the king of Castile’s lodging, which after mass was 
borne. So for that time departed and the king returned 
to his chamber to dinner, and the king of Castile 
returned in like manner to his chamber to dinner. 


288 RECEPTION OF PHILIP 


AD. 1506. And after dinner the king sent to the king of Castile 
to understand whether it would please him to see the 
ladies dance for pastime, inasmuch as it was holiday 
and might not hunt, &c.; which answered that gladly. 
And a little before, by the king’s commandment my 
lord Herberd voided all the king’s chamber except lords 
and officers and certain knights of great haveour which 
remained there still. And when the king understood 
that the king of Castile was coming he went to the 
door of the great chamber and there received him and 
desired him to take him by the arm, or else the king of 
Castile would not have taken so much upon him but by 
the king’s desire. And so both together went through 
that chamber, the king’s dining chamber, and from 
thence to an inner chamber where was my lady princess ! 
and my lady Mary the king’s daughter, and divers 
other ladies. And after the king of Castile had kissed 
them and communed awhile with the king and the ladies, 
all they came into the king’s dining chamber where 
danced my lady princess and a Spanish lady with 
her in Spanish array. And after she had danced 
two or three dances she left, and then danced my lady 
Mary and a English lady with her. And ever among” 
the lady princess desired the king of Castile to dance, 
which after that he had excused him once or twice 
answered that he was a mariner, ‘“ And yet,” said he, 
“ye would cause me to dance!” And so he danced 
not but communed still with the king. And after 
that my lady Mary had danced two or three dances 
she went and sat by my lady princess upon the end 
of the carpet which was under the cloth of estate and 
near where the king and the king of Castile stood. 
And then danced one of the strange lords and a lady 
of England. That done my lady Mary played on the 


Catherine of Arragon. * Sic in MS, 


KING OF CASTILE. 289 


lute, and after upon the claregalles; who played very A.D. 1506. 
well, and she was of all folks there greatly praised 

that of her youth in everything she behaved herself so 

very well. 

And then immediately after came the archbishop of 
Canterbury and the other bishops and the dean of 
the Chapel in their amyses, and showed the king that 
it was evensong time, and there tarried his pleasure. 
And within a while after both kings arm in arm 
having their noblemen before them went both to the 
chapel and soto the said great traverse of cloth of 
gold and sat within it both together, every one having 
his cushion. And at the entering of the traverse 
the king preferred the king of Castile to the upper 
hand’, but he refused it, and so the king took it 
himself; and so heard evensong together. And the 
bishop of Canterbury which did the divine service 
sat in the dean’s stall, and the dean next him. And 
after evensong the king had appointed to convey 
him to his lodging; and from the chapel door to 
the king’s chamber stood the king’s guard all along. 
And when the king and the king of Castile were 
entered the chamber, one of the king of Castile’s 
lords that was of the order of the Toison warned 
him that it was his lodging; and incontinent he 
answered and said “ That blame have I and I wist 
it,” and so wrestled with the king and said that the 
king should not convey him to his lodging, but that 
he would turn back and convey him to his, and with 
divers other words. The king answered that in any 
wise he would see him in his lodging; and so they 
went both together through that chamber and the 
second. And when the king came to the door of 
the king of Castile’s dining chamber there is another 





290 RECEPTION OF PHILIP 


A.D. 1506. door that goeth into a closet and so to the king's 
chamber. And when they were at the king’s chamber 
door the king of Castile would no further till the door 
was opened. And whereas the king would have seen 
him in his chamber and drew back he said by his 
faith that he would convey the king to his lodging; 
and so the king of Castile went sidling into the 
closet and drew the king in by the arm (all the lords 
and other noblemen, except officers, remained at the 
door in the other chamber) and so returned to the 
king’s lodging, and both kings departed in an entry 
by the king’s secret chamber where every each of 
them had good words the one to the other, and so 
went to their own chambers. And so separately for 
that night they supped every each of them in their 
own lodging, and this accomplished for that day. 

2 Feb. And in the morrow the second day of February 

Candlemas that was Candlemas day both kings met secretly 
together and so came to the king’s dining chamber, 
having their noblemen before them. But there was 
so many that it was long time or they might well 
pass through the chambers. The earl of Derby bare 
the king’s sword. And when the king entered the 
chapel they both together went to the travares, and 
there abode till the candles were hallowed; which 
were hallowed by the archbishop of Canterbury’, which 
that day sang the high mass in pontificalibus, the 
bishop of Chichester * gospeller, the bishop of Norwich ° 
epistoler, the bishop of Rochester‘ bare the archbishop 
of Canterbury’s cross, all in pontificalibus. And 
after, in good order, both kings went a procession 
round about the hall The king’s taper was borne by 


— —_—_—— —. —_——— 


William Warham. * Richard Nikke or Nyx. 
2 Richard Fitzjames, afterwards * John Fisher. 
bishop of London. 


KING OF CASTILE. 291 


the earl of Kent, and the king of Castile’s taper was A.D. 1506. 
borne by the lord Ville, knight of the order of the 
Toison The king’s taper had a close crown and the 
king of Castile’s an open crown. Garter and Toison 
d’Or having on their coats of arms, every each went 
before his own lord and master, and the other officers 
of arms went before as appertaineth. It was a right 
goodly sight to see so many noblemen, and so well 
appointed, all other in cloth of gold, velvet, and silk, 
and with so many goodly chains of fine gold and of 
great weight. And so returned to the chapel and 
traverse again, and there heard mass. 

And after mass the king returned by the king of 
Castile’s lodging, and would have conveyed the king 
of Castile to his dining room, but he would not the 
king should take the pains. And so the king entered 
by the closet door to his chamber, and there the king 
of Castile departed to his, and every each of the kings 
dined in his own lodging. And after dinner both 
kings met together in the king’s secret chamber, and 
from thence both together went to the chapel, where 
they heard a sermon in French. And immediately as 
the sermon was done they went to evensong; and 
after evensong both kings returned to their lodgings 
in like manner as they did after mass, and every each 
of them supped severally in his own chamber. It is 
to be noted that both kings offered at once, the king 
of Castile somewhat after the king, and were sensed ; 
and thus accomplished that day. 

The Tuesday the third day of February both kings 5 Feb. 
heard mass in their own closets, and after dinner went 
a hunting in the little park where every each of the 
kings killed certain deer [with'] their own hands with 
their crossbows. 


——~— _ - — 


1 Omitted in MS. 
T 2 


A.D. 1506. 
4,5 Feb. 


" 6 Feb. 


7 Feb. 


8 Feb. 


299 RECEPTION OF PHILIP 


The Wednesday and Thursday, the 4th and 5th day 
of February, both kings were at council every each 
with his own council, for every prince had his council 
by himself because the weather was foul and rained, 
or else they had some other pastime; but this Thursday 
in the morning, the statutes which were sealed with 
the seal of the Garter were sent to the king of Castile. 
Garter King of Arms bare them to his presence and 
there delivered them to the lord Herbert which pre- 
sented them to the king of Castile to the intent he 
should oversee and visit them. 

On Friday the 6th day of February both kings 
rode after dinner together a hunting to the park. 

The Saturday the 7th of February the horse was 
baited before the king and the king of Castile, which 
both stood in the king’s new tower, which at that time 
was appointed for the king of Castile’s lodging. And 
after the horse was baited both kings went to the 
tennis play; and in the upper gallery there was laid 
two cushions of cloth of gold for the two kings, and 
the room was honestly hanged with * *1; where 
played my lord marquis, the lord Howard, and two 
other knights together. And after the king of Castile 
had seen them play a while, he made party with the 
lord marquis. And then played the king of Castile 
with the lord marquis of Dorset, the king looking on 
them. But the king of Castile played with the racket, 
and gave the lord marquis 15; and after that he had 
played his pleasure and arrayed himself again it was 
almost night, and so both kings returned again to their 
lodgings. 

The Sunday, the 8th day of the said month, the king 
heard both mass and evensong in his chapel, but the 


1 Rank in MS, 


KING OF CASTILE. 293 


king of Castile remained in his lodsing and came not AD. 1506, 
that day abroad. 

The Monday, the 9th day of February, both kings 9 Feb. 
met secretly together, and so came forth to the king’s 
dining chamber, where stood ready all the knights of 
the order of the Garter in their gowns of the order, 
which is crimson velvet lined with white, having on 
their collars and hoods on their shoulders. Where were 
also all the other lords, the king and my lord prince 
wearing also the gowns of the order; and the king 
of Castile was in a gown of cloth of gold which was 
very long and large. And so went down to the nether 
gallery, and at the stairs foot both kings and the prince 
took their horses, having before them Garter King of 
Arms of that order, and Toison d'Or King of Arms 
of the order of the Toison, they only bearing the coats 
of arms of their lords, and riding next before the sword 
and before them the ambassador of Spain, the archbishop 
of Canterbury, and the bishop of Winchester, prelate of 
the order before them, the knights of the order bearing 
company with some of the knights of the order of the 
Toison d'Or ; and before them all other lords and knights 
after their estate and degrees, which all lighted at the 
middle door of the body of the church, and so went, 
still in their gowns, without entering the choir till they 
came to the chapter duor, where all the knights did on 
their mantles. And so proceeded into the chapter house 
-which was honestly hanged, all the great board covered 
with cloth of gold and the forms covered with bodkin. 
And at the end by the king there was laid a cushion of 
cloth of gold whereupon was laid the very [Cross '], and 
the evangelist turned to the canon of the mass which 
Jay upon it, having two tapers burning in the honor 
of the very Cross. And at the end on the right hand 
there was ordained a chair for the king, the sovereign 


1 Omitted in MS. 


A.D. 1506. 


Investiture 
of the 
Garter. 


294 RECEPTION OF PHILIP 


of the order, with pall and cushions of cloth of gold, 
and by it a stool with like garnishing on the left hand 
of the king. 

And after every body was settled, the king standing 
began to show the king of Castile how there were 
certain ceremonies belonging to the said order, and that 
it was accustomed that no person might receive any 
habiliment appertaining to the said order till he had 
made solemn oath to keep and observe the statutes and 
ordinances of the said order; and to understand whether 
it was his pleasure so to do or not. Who answered 
that in all things he would right willingly do that to 
the said order was appointed. And then Garter King 
of Arms delivered the statutes, which were sealed with 
the seal of the Garter and collationed by the register 
of the said order, unto the bishop of Winchester, prelate 
of the order, which delivered them to the sovereign ; 
and were laid under the mass book, the one half of the 
book of the statutes, so that one might see the other 
half, for the book lay open. And the king of Castile 
laid his hand on the canon of the mass and himself read 
and made this oath following in French : “ Nous, Philippe, 
par la grace de Dieu roy de Castille, de Lyon, de 
Grenade, archeducq d’Austriche, duc de Bourgoigne, &e. 
promettons et jurons sur notre foy et honneur et sur 
les Sanctes Evangiles et Canon de la Messe par nous 
nouvellement touchez et sur le feust dela vraye Croix 
que cy est present devant nous, accomplirons et entre- 
tiendrons loialement à nostre pouvoir tous les estatus, 
points et ordonnances de ceste noble Ordre dela Jartiere 
de point en point selon qu'il est contenu et declaré 
dedans le livre qui nous a esté baillé quel avons 
accepté et acceptons aussy bien que sy nous les lisions 
tout au long à ceste heure presente chascun article 
lesquelz promettons dereschef les tenir et entierement 
garder sans enfreindre, Ainsy nous ayde Dieu et touts 
les Saincts.” 


KING OF CASTILE 295 


The exception that the king of Castile made, and AD. 1506. 
that the sovereign did dispense with him was only 
for two causes. The one was that he might wear the 
collar when it pleased him, and not be bound to wear 
it as the statute will but at his pleasure ; the second 
not to appear personally at the feast or chapters. And 
when the oath was done the king of Castile kissed the 
book and the very Cross; and then the bishop of Win- 
chester, prelate of the order, delivered to the king of 
Castile a pen with ink; which king of Castile signed 
the oath that he had made with his own hand, and 
with his own hand delivered to the king sovereign of 
the said noble order. That done, the earl of Surrey, 
treasurer of England, presented ! the garter to the king 
of Castile, saying the words in French to the presenta- 
tion of the garter belonging, that is to say, “Sir, the 
sovereign and amiable company of the order of the 
garter have received you to,” &c ; and there the king 
put the garter about his leg, and my lord prince buckled 
and made it fast. That done, he went into a little 
house which is at the chapter house end, who there 
did off his gown of cloth of gold, and immediately gave 
it to Garter King of Arms of the order, and there did 
on the gown of the order, of the which the said Garter 
King of Arms had the charge of delivery, both of the 
gown, mantle, and hood. And as soon as the king of 
Castile’s gown was dressed about him he came forth 
to the sovereign; and there the King Sovereign put 
the collar of the order about his neck upon his gown, 
saying these words following, “ Mon filz,” &c. 

And near to the king stood Garter King of Arms, 
which held on his arm the mantle and hood. And in- 
continent as the collar was about his neck my lord 
Herbert put the mantle upon him, the king setting 


\ presented repeated in MS. 


296 RECEPTION OF PHILIP 


A.D. 1506. to his hands, and then the hood after. And then 
shortly Garter did on the gown that the king of ,Castile 
had given him, and came to the king his sovereign 
lord, and humbly besought him his grace to give 
thanks to the king of Castile his son which for his 
sake had given him that gown, and there the king of 
his grace gave him thanks. And so proceeded to the 
stall which was next to the king’s stall, and there the 
king led him by the hand and put him in his stall, 
and so to his own, first saying these words following ; 
“Mon,” &c. 

And then went all the other knights to their stalls 
after the due order; and then began the mass sung by 
the bishop of Chichester. And after the gospel the 
archbishop of Canterbury brought the book of the 
evangelists to the king; and after the king had kissed 
it the king of Castile kissed. And at the offering 
time the king of Castile went to have stood before his 
stall like as the other knights did, but the king 
hasted him so much that he stood nowhile. And as 
the king was going to the offering, the king of Castile 
would have gone after the king; but the king would 
not, but desired the king of Castile to come forth with 
him. And then the king of Castile desired him that 
he would licence him to do his duty like a knight 
and brother of the order ought to do to the Sovereign ; 
but in nowise the king would not suffer him, but took 
him with him on his left hand, and so offered both 
together. My lord prince gave the king his offering, 
and the king of Castile’s chamberlain gave his lord 
his offering. The king’s train was borne by a canon 
of the college which was also dean of the king’s chapel ; 
and the king of Castiles train was borne by his 
chamberlain, having the officers of arms and other 
officers attending, as it appertaineth, and so returned 
to their stalls again. Then went my lord prince and 
offered alone, having some oflicers before him; and 


KING OF CASTILE. 297 


after he had offered and returned to his stall all other a.p. 1506. 
knights offered, two and two together, till they had 
all offered. And immediately as mass was done there 
came to the king sitting in his stall the archbishop 
of Canterbury then chancellor of England, the bishop 
of Winchester' then privy seal, doctor Weste and 
some other of the king’s council, which there pre- 
sented the king the draught of the amity of peace 
with divers new articles and confirmations of the 
said amity sealed with the great seal and privy 
seals, And in like manner the lord St, Py the pre- 
sident of Flanders and some other of the king of Castile’s 
council presented him the articles of the amity and 
confirmation of the same, also sitting in his stall, 
which were also sealed with his great seal and privy 
seals, And there aitting in their stalls every each king 
signed with his own hands the said writings And 
that that the king had signed he delivered to the king 
of Castile, and those that the king of Castile had 
signed he delivered to the king’s hand, every each 
interchangeably to other. Which articles of the said 
amity are such as followeth [in the ensuing leaf]* 
[Here is inserted an original counterpart, signed 
by Henry VII, of the treaty printed in 
Rymer, vol. xiii. pp. 182-142.] 

And the said articles signed and delivered as before, 
doctor Routhalle, the king’s secretary, stood upon a 
form in the midst of the choir, and there made a 
goodly proposition in a very adorned Latin, the effect 
of which was to expound the said amity openly. And 
the proposition done both kings came forth of their 
stalls, and went up to the high altar, and there sware 
upon the holy Evangelists, canon of the mass by them 
manually touched, and by the feust of the very 








Richard Fox. 2 These words appear to have been 
added to the transcript 


298 RECEPTION OF PHILIP 


A.D. 1506. Cross, to keep and observe all the points and articles 
contained in the said amity from point to point; and 
so kissed the book, and after the Holy Cross; and 
every king read his oath openly his own self. 

And, the oath done, both kings went to their stalls 
again and the bishop of Chichester began Te Deum 
Laudamus. And after Te Deum was sung the trum- 
pets that stood in the rood loft blew; and they blew 
continually till the king and the king of Castile, my lord 
prince, the knights of the order with other noblemen 
and officers were entered the chapter door. And 
when the king was in his place the king of Castile 
and my lord prince first doing their obeisance went 
into the revestry at the chapter house end, and there 
the king of Castile and my lord prince did off their 
habit of the Garter, and the king of Castile did on 
the mantle of the Toison, and my lord prince did on 
a rich gown of cloth of gold and tissue furred. And 
the king of Castile stood on the left hand of the 
king, and my lord prince at the corner of the board 
end next the king of Castile. And after a little 
communication or advertisement my lord prince made 
his oath and read it himself in French, and there 
promised to keep and observe the statutes of the 
Toison d’Or. The oath was like in all things to the 
oath the king of Castile made, changing the name of 
the prince and of the order. And after my lord prince 
had made this oath he returned into the same little 
house, and there Toison d'Or delivered my lord prince 
the gown and mantle of the order of the Toison d’Or, 
and my lord prince immediately gave and delivered 
his gown that was so rich a cloth of gold to Toison 
d’Or king of arms, and so came forth again. 

And then the king of Castile put the collar of the 
Toison, about my lord prince his neck; and then the 
king of Castile kissed him; and then all the other 
knights kissed him, being of the said order of the 


KING OF CASTILE 299 


Toison in sign of fraternal love. And after that the AD. 1506. 
king of Castile went into the little room again, and 
there did off the mantle of the Toison and did on 
again the mantle of the Order of the Garter, and so in 
the habit of the Order of the Garter went with the 
king ; and my lord prince went in the habit of the 
Toison, and so in like order went forth of the church 
and rode to the king’s lodgings as they came to the 
churchward, Garter and Toison d’Or kings of arms 
riding and wearing the gowns of cloth of gold that 
the two princes had given them and their coats of 
arms upon them. And after the two princes were 
come to the upper gallery the king would have con- 
veyed the king of Castile to his lodging, but he would 
not in no wise the king should take the pains; and 
so finally he conveyed the king to his lodging, and 
then departed to his. And within awhile after the 
king went to dinner to the king of Castile’s own 
lodging, and that day the kings’ dined both together 
in the king of Castile’s secret chamber. And the king 
of Castile sent Garter a reward and a right honorable 
largess to the officers of arms. And in like manner 
my lord prince sent Toison d’Or a reward for himself 
and also largess to the said officers of arms; which 
princes were cried at the king’s chamber door, great 
chamber, and hall in manner as followeth, “ Largesse 
iij du treshault, trespuissant, tresexcellent prince, le 
roy de Castill, de Lion, de Granada, archeduc d’Austriche, 
duc de Bourgoigne, &c. et chevalier de la tresnoble 
order de la Jarretier,” which was cried by Garter 
King of Arms of the order of the Garter. And then 
after Toison d'Or cried largess of my lord prince in 
this manner, “Larges iij. du treshault, trespuissant, 
tresexcellent prince Henry par la grace de Deu prince 


l kinge, MS. 


300 RECEPTION OF PHILIP 


A.D. 1506. de Gales : duc de Cornwall et counte de Chester, 


10 Feb. 


chevalier, frere et compagnion de la Toison d'Or, 
larges,” &c. And after the said officers of arms went 
to the hall and there accomplished their dinner, and 
as that day were served before knights because of the 
strangers, which service was right honorable and 
sumptuous. 

And after dinner both kings remained a great 
while in communication together and almost as none 
entered that secret chamber except knights of the 
order and certain officers knights, which all that day 
thorough ware their gowns, hoods, and collars of the 
Garter, except my lord prince which that day ware 
the gown, hood, and collar of the Toison d'Or. ‘And 
that day the court was served like as it had been a 
right great feast and as honorably in all things' as I 
have seen. And afterwards the king of Castile con- 
veyed the king towards his lodging and so amiably 
for that time departed. To write of the great rich 
cupboard which continually stood in the great hall 
with all gilt plate, or of the great and rich beds of 
estate, hangings of rich cloth of gold, or of the rich 
and sumptuous cloths of arras with divers cloths of 
estate both of the king’s lodging and in the king of 
Castile’s lodging, so many chambers, hall, chapel, closet, 
galleries, with other lodgings so richly and very well 
appointed, with divers other things, that I suffice nor 
cannot discern, and as I suppose few or none that 
were there that ever saw castle or other lodging in 
all things so well and richly appointed, and the great 
continual fair open household, so many noblemen so 
well appointed, and with so short warning heretofore 
as I think hath not been seen. 

The Tuesday the 10th of the said month the queen 
of Castile came to the said castle of Windsor accom- 


' thinge, MS. 


KING OF CASTILE. 301 


panied besides her own servants with the earl of A.D. 1506. 
Arundel, the lord St. Almonde, the lord Mountjoye, and 
divers other gentlemen which by the king’s command- 
ment had attended afore upon her by the space of 

*! And they entered by the little park, and 
so secretly came by the backside of the castle unto 
the king’s new tower, where at the stair-foot the king 
met with her and kissed and embraced her; howbeit 
that the king of Castile that there was there* present 
with the king had divers times before desired the 
king’s highness for to have remained in his own 
lodging, and not to have taken the pains to have 
gone so far. And after the king had welcomed her 
my lady Princess her sister and my lady Mary the 
king’s daughter, having many ladies and gentlewomen 
attending upon them welcomed her ; and so all together 
went up into the king of Castile’s lodgings. And 
in the utter chamber the king departed from her, and 
the king of Castile conveyed the king to his lodging, 
and so at that time departed. 

The Wednesday the 11th day both the kings dined 11 Feb. 
together in the king’s secret chamber. The king of 
Castile of his own mind said he would go dine with 
the king his father if it were his pleasure, the which 
lonely motion the king gladly did accept. And a little 
before dinner was showed the king’s genealogy how 
nigh kin the both kings were together, and how the 
king is within degree of marriage both unto the king 
of Romans his father and to the queen of Castile his 
wife, and that the king of Castile was kin unto him 
both of his father’s side and mother’s side. And that 
day departed my lady Princess and my lady Mary to 
Richmond. 

The Thursday the 12th of February the king nobly 19 Feb 
accompanied after he had offered to St. George as 





? Blank in MS, # Sic in MS. 


302 RECEPTION OF PHILIP 


A.D. 1506. accustomed and to king Henry, rode to Richmond to 


see the house prepared against the king of Castile’s 
coming; and the king of Castile and the queen his 
wife remained still at Windsor having attending upon 
them both lords and knights by the king’s command- 
ment. Where they remained still to the Saturday then 
next following; which day the king of Castile, hawk- 
ing and hunting by the way as he rode, came to 
Richmond. And the queen of Castile his wife having 
the late queen’s rich litters and chairs took her 
way towards the sea side to her ships which then lay 
or rode at Dartmouth and Plymonth distant from 
thence by the [s]pace of * *' miles. And that first 
night she lay at Reading where I understand she was 
honorably received by the abbot and other * *1 
after their haviours, and divers lords and others were 
appointed to wait upon her to the sea side. 

I leave the queen’s journey to them that saw it and 
return to the king. When the king perceived that 
the king of Castile was near he came down from his 
chamber and met him at the stairs’ foot by the water 
side, and welcomed him to Richmond. Howbeit little 
before the king met with him the king of Castile 
advised* the house without, and greatly praised the 
beautiful and sumptuous edifice, saying to them that 
were there near unto him, that if it should be his 
fortune to return to Brussells that that Beau Regard 
should be a pattern unto him: and so the king con- 
veyed him to his lodging. 

The Sunday following the ambassador of France came 
to the king, and both kings heard mass together, &c. 
And‘ that morning unaxed the king of Castile proferred 
the king to yield Ed. Rebell,* &e. On Tuesday justs ; 


ne 


1 Blank in MS. | ‘and repeated in MS. 
2 Sic, qu. admired ? Ü 4 Edmund earl of Suffolk. 


KING OF CASTILE. 303 


on Wednesday horsebaiting ; on Thursday to Baynard’s A.D. 1506. 
Castle, and a hawking by the way; on Friday to Our 
Lady of Barking, and so to the Tower, and gun shot. 
On Saturday to Westminster, and so returned to Rich- 
mond, but first dined at Westminster with the abbot 
and prior. On Monday wrestling between Englishmen 
and Spaniards and baiting between the horse and the 
bear. On Tuesday, St. Matthew’s day, both kings 
dined together, served with four courses. On Saturday 
towards the sea side to Windsor, all the children of 
Eton standing along the bars of the churchyard ; 
received in the castle by the canons and offered to 
St. George as accustomed, and to their two lodgings 
which remained almost as before. 

On Sunday horsebaiting and niastiffs given. The 
Monday offered to St. George, and the king conveyed 
him on his way a mile or more; and the king 
defrayed all his servants of their charges and gave 
rewards. 

Memorandum, during all the season the king of 
Castile was in the king’s court every holiday; and at 
every time that the king of Castile dined and supped 
with the king, the king was served by knights and 
esquires wearing velvet or silk, and all great officers 
attending upon the king during the time that both 
kings dined or supped together, as my lord steward, 
my lord chamberlain, &c. 





TRANSLATIONS. 





THE TWELVE TRIUMPHS OF HENRY VII. 





Here follow twelve exploits performed by Heroules, 
figured under twelve triumphs achieved by the 
very illustrious and puissant King Henry, Seventh 
of the name, King of England. 


The Author. 


To rehearse the wonderful exploits 

Of king Henry VII. of England, 

The triumphs that he has achieved in his day 
Against Envy, the worst in the world, 

Which, as may be seen in his case, 

Pursues him with mortal warfare ; 

Yet still, as we ought to believe, 

Nothing can injure those whom God means to help. 


Of his virtue and illustrious dignity 

According to my poor ability, 

I will speak, that it may be known 

How victoriously he reigns, 

Treacherous Envy is always raging 

To destroy him by her venomous fate, 

But in the end he resists in such wise 

That he will confound the envious traitors, 
U2 


308 THE TWELVE TRIUMPHS 


To describe by any comparison 

His noble actions and his proud elevation, 

I must by some means find 

Those who in their time have had similar griefs. 
I have seen in the history of the Greeks 

How Juno entertained envy of Hercules, 

And I know no subject which is nearer 

To that of king Henry: God grant him long life! 


Twelve triumphs did Hercules achieve 

During his time, as the story recounts them to us. 
He was brave and valiant in his exploits 

To accomplish any meritorious work. 

But, truly, I think that king Henry 

Has a greater victory than Hercules : 

For his feats are better worthy of memory 
Against Envy; and I will prove it. 


Juno, full of envy and malice, 

Instigated king Eurystheus 

To impose an unpropitious task 

On Hercules that he might no longer reign. 

Juno thought that in this exploit there was no 
chance 

Of his life. But it was otherwise ; 

For he exercised such noble virtues 

That he resisted very gloriously. 


Who is Juno? To understand the case well, 

As one sees, and as it may appear, 

The dowager of Flanders must be taken for her, 
Who instigated right and left, 

One who called himself (I know not if he be so) 
King of the Romans, to destroy this good king. 
Him I mean, and it is easy to understand, 

For Eurystheus; this is enough for me. 





OF HENRY VIL. 309 


As for the dragons that Juno brought 

Into the chamber of Hercules to kill him, 

The story says that Hercules conquered them, 

But on this achievement I will not enlarge 
beforehand. 

Twelve other feats I will write in this place 

Which Hercules did, well trained in virtues, 

Returning, if I can well tell it, 

To the triumphs of the noble king Henry. 


Do you, my hearers, hold me excused 

If I couch my rhetoric in uncouth terms. 

As an unlearned person I set myself 

To do this: my skill applies itself thereto. 

For since I have seen in public 

The brilliant deeds of the king which I would 
relate, 

First of all, and without farther remark, 

I pray you that you will please to listen. 


The First Exploit. 
As I said that by exhortation 
This Juno told Eurystheus 
That he should send Hercules straightway 
To fight with the lion of Cleon, 
Who was there without longer delay. 
Juno thought in this way to discomfit him, 
But he found the shepherd Molorchus, 
Who gave him his club to fight with. 


I mean no other shepherd than God, 
Who gave to king Henry power 

To resist in each and every place 

The envious who would do him injury. 
He is the shepherd who is his ally, 
Who gives him this strong club 

To keep him in secure enjoyment: 
Not otherwise is the thing understood. 


310 THE TWELVE TRIUMPHS 


Following out this first exploit 

That Hercules performed, who conquered the lion, 

There was a curious and singular act 

When he killed the lion Cleonæus ; 

He then dressed himself in the lion’s hide, 

And armed himself with it that he might be 
stronger, 

And kept it, as the story tells, 

All his life until he died. 


By this lion I understand a mighty king, 
That is to say, a king greater in dignity 
Than the others (Virgil in a proverb 
Describes him so) in honor and elevation ; 
Notwithstanding that now they degrade him 
To conform him somewhat to vice. 

I mean him and leave him for even such 
As men used to do in former days. 


And on that king’s name I am silent, 

Who is here represented by the lion. 

King Henry, being beyond the sea, 

Expected to be devoured by him; 

But God provided for him so well 

That he has conquered him and dressed himself 
in his hide. 

Of this hide it will be shown to you 

That it should be understood to mean virtues. 


The hide is strength and prudence and wealth, 

Which belonged to [that] king at the first, 

As we constantly read in the story 

Of the good Jason, who nobly acquired 

The golden fleece, which was indeed 

But only the treasure of the king called Metes, 

King of Colchis ; it is not otherwise, 

Without my taking from it, or adding anything 
of my own. 


OF HENRY VIL 311 


The Second Exploit. 
Then Hercules, in this second exploit, 
Killed the Hydra, a horrible serpent ; 
And as soon as he cut off one head 
Seven sprang from it; the thing is apparent. 
And yet, that I may not deceive, 
(The poets have mixed it with fiction) 
I am obliged to show the purport of it 
By giving you an explanation. 


“Hydra” is Greek equivalent in meaning 

To “aqua” in good Latin; both are water. 
If the poets then chose to describe it 

As a serpent, there is no great harm. 

Tt was a lake, from which arose great streams, 
Which devastated the surrounding country. 
Whatever labor or work they did, 

They could not dry up those great streams. 


The Hydra then stands for a lake called Lerna 
From which arose great abundance of waters. 
But Hercules, by his cunning skill, 

Found means by his art and science 

To dry it up in presence of all men, 

By fire and other agents suited for the purpose, 
And exempted from this violence 

The men and women of the country. 


Whom shall we take for the waters of this lake 
Which have over-run this country ? 

Envy, which in many a heart 

Of divers people has shown itself before all 
Filthy and foul, and meanly apparelled, 
Throwing venom on great and small ; 

And whoever had not kept it in subjection 
Had need to quit the field. 


312 


THE TWELVE TRIUMPHS 


One may have seen in the land of England 

The great lords terribly troubled ; 

While they made war upon each other 

The country was sadly distressed. 

But the good king at his coming 

Dried up all this with the fire of charity, 

And joined them together again in such a manner 
That they are at peace and living in unity. 


The Third Exploit. 


We must now come to the third exploit, 

In which Hercules exerted great ability ; 

For he conquered, by his courageous bearing 
And put to death the wild boar of Arcadia. 

This wild boar it is right that I should set down 
For king Richard, as he comes into this place, 
Who held, like a false and unjust one, 

The royal place, without a right to it. 


Now he had taken for his device 

The great hog, which is a very foul animal ; 

And I know not why he took it, 

Unless it be God who prompts the heart. 

Honour [belongs] to the good man, and the 
wicked acquires 

Every disgrace ; nobility renounces him. 

For crime offends, and is called dishonorable. 

He is a mean fellow who does mean actions. 


Moreover I would speak of this Richard, 
How he was of such blunted feelings 
As to destroy his own nephews. 

This was too great a cruelty in him. 


OF HENRY VII. 313 


Avarice had too much overcome him; 

So that at last evil should have overtaken him. 

And so it has happened, for God in his goodness 

Made him understand this before his days were 
over. 


The noble king Henry conquered him 

On the fair field victoriously ; 

And I believe that God that day decreed it, 
For it was done miraculously. 

A small number of men did such great things 
By broad sword-thrusts and strokes, 

That the enemy surrendered humbly, 

And Richard was killed in the battle. 


The Fourth Exploit. 


We shall speak this time of the fourth exploit, 
In which Hercules did a very fine action. 
There was a stag with golden horns, 

Which remained in the wood ; as is related 
Touching its size, it was a cruel thing. 

When Hercules had heard of it, 

Like a valiant knight of great zeal, 

He had a great desire to go against the stag. 


Now Hercules sought out many expedients 
That he might see what animal it was. 

He found the stag, which was called Heripides, 
Great and horned, which fought in the wood. 
Hercules saw that the stag was hastening 
Towards him, but he wrought so well, 

That however the stag struggled, 

Hercules at last killed him. 


Whom shall we take for the stag with great 
horns, 
That desired to make his horns glitter? 


si4 YEZ YORE YEICHPES 


He x Com Lan: sin come 

© Exvs : eu tam 500 were desred to ban him 

Be wr urea wares. who m the end ar 
EEE 

Por a ime 7 teers Trem tie : 


Toor west thas © always ome weqppermocst 


Thee coos trom == Com Lam 

T: KE ie ting 2 mom certam 

Teas ton was tr tie mem say. 

Toon art tiem vers foil @ maire 

Tee termes ty Warmars 1) every misfortame ; 
Fe wipewer wuss to thee bas for all his reward 
Sacce 7 cer à ton st 

Fer tice: canst make po er payment. 


Les cs see then wiether Envy 5 pleasing 
When sme 90 faleiy decives ber master. 
Everywtere a person & wicked 

To trusting ber. ani make Limself her servant 
Whar I say may be very well known: 

We have seen the manifest sm of it 

Let us and every temg fy im her every where. 
And ket us proceed to the fifth expdcit 


The Pith Expls't 


The Stimphalides in Arvadia were 

Great birds of a strange shape, 

And robbed every creature, 

They devoured and destroyed all pasture. 
The people dared not go ta the fields 

For the great mischief that these binds did 
The laborers forsook their labors : 

It was pitiful, they did so much harm. 


_ ——— 


1 The name intended, I presume. was that cf the Earl sf Linesir 


OF HENRY VII. 315 


There was a report of it. There is nothing which 
is not talked of. 

Then the valiant Hercules came forward 

To go immediately to the country of Arcadia ; 

He chased away all the birds with his bow, 

By such means that there were none left. 

When those birds hed all fled, 

The fame of Hercules was heightened, 

The whole country giving him glory for it. 


It may have been observed likewise 

That in this country there were a great many 
robbers, 

Who devoured and destroyed in such a manner 

That the country was all devastated. 

No one could go in any direction 

Without being robbed and pillaged. 

It was frightful, to say the truth, 

How the country was tormented by them. 


As well by sea as by land also 
They reigned long in this employment ; 
But the good king has driven them all away 
oy his fair bow; I mean his justice. 
O king Henry, how propitious wert thou 
To deliver the country from such an evil. 
By thy good policy, we can go 
In safety both up and down. 


The Sixth Explit. 
The sixth exploit that Hercules did, 
As the story brings it down to us: 
Once on a time it happened that he conquered 
Menalippe queen of the Amazons, 
And took from her, it is very certain, 
Her girdle, which is called balteus ; 
She was the queen of wealth, 
But Hercules conquered her. 


316 THE TWELVE TRIUMPHS 


By Menalippe I understand (without more deluy 
In talking of her allegorically) 

The dowager of Flanders and Burgundy, 

Who dispenses treasure largely 

And fraudulently to crown 

In Ireland one called Peterkin, 

In which she has not very good sense 

To spend her wealth for a mean fellow. 


She has deprived herself of wealth and treasure, 
Intending to put him in possession of them. 
But the good king by virtue and prowess 
Holds the dominion of Ireland, 

And will keep it in subjection to himself, 

As his own rightful lordship ; 

And to throw away so much money, 

Every one laughs at it in mockery. 


By this then I say that she is stripped 

Of her balteus, that is her rich girdle. 

Better would it have been had she not given it 
him. 

It was scattering her wealth too much by 
chance. 

And it seems to me to be against nature 

To endeavour to put in possession 

A poor man of ignoble birth 

In royal place; it is a great oppression. 


For the present let us keep silence on these things 
(It is well known how the thing was done) 

And return to the valiant Hercules, 

And what he did in his seventh exploit. 

The story tells that he made a fine conquest, 

As fine as I now relate; 

For he vanquished and took all the spoil 

Of Diomedes, who was king of Thrace. 


OF HENRY VII. 317 


The Seventh Exploit. 


Diomedes was a very cruel man, 

And the most treacherous of all the treacherous ; 

He put to death the passers by 

As they were passing. He was a traitor and a 
knave. 

In his territory both by hills and valleys 

He watched for strangers to murder them, 

And gave them to his horses to eat; 

And indeed they ate no other food. 


Whom shall we take for this cruel 

And inhuman man? It is needful to pay attention. 
You have a new warrior 

Who was called by the name of Martin Swart ; 
What do you say of him? Did he come too late 
To threaten to do great marvels? 

I say No. For he received his share 

For his trouble with his works. 


He threatened to kill all 

Who were on the noble king’s side ; 

But, thanks be to God and to the Chaste Virgin, 
What he threatened was quite averted. 

He and his people were cut to pieces 

In the middle of the field, and there is no doubt 
His accomplices were deserted, 

And all received their penalty due. 


Also it is said, whoever reckons without his host 

He has to reckon twice. And it is true; 

For they expected to make others dance to the tune 

To which they danced [themselves] in very pitiful 
array. 

Now I shall speak no longer of this feat. 

We must come to the eighth exploit, 

And I will abridge as much as I can 

The subject I wish to maintain. 


318 THE TWELVE TRIUMPHS 


The Eighth Exploit. 
In this eighth exploit Hercules fought 
The great bull by a great struggle. 
By his efforts and good conduct he did so much 
That he overthrew and subdued him. 
This work was of great merit, 
And in it he acquired great glory, 
Hence it was recorded by the Greeks, 
And will be held in eternal remembrance, 


This noble king, what has he done? 

Has he not struggled with this bull? 

He has indeed, and the fact shows him to us 
A valiant man full of frankness. 

The king of Scotland by his skill 

He has subdued, and all his party. 

By his good sense he has so arranged 

That he does his will with him in part. 


Never was such fortune given to king 

As to this king, and I think it a gift of grace. 
Whatever design Envy may have entertained, 
Never have her threats taken effect upon him. 
He conquers always whatever he does, 

And resists victoriously. 

We shall now see further in this place 

His ninth glorious triumph. 


The Ninth Exploit. 


We shall here speak first 

Of what Hercules did in his ninth exploit. 

He wrought so virtuously 

That he made a conquest of the great king 
Geryon. 

This Geryon had more than one head 

(Three as in the fiction 


OF HENRY VIL 319 


The good poets say), and yet I pause 
To tell what is in my intention. 


This Geryon was the king of Gades. 

Of the three heads which are mentioned, 

It is because he had two brothers, 

The three being all of one opinion, 

And also of the same will, living in union. 
This is why the poets considered 

That Geryon should be in the story 

Called three-headed,—thus they disposed of it. 


This Geryon the king called three-headed, 
Was very rich in gold and goods, 

And he had great herds of cattle, 

As the story gives us to understand. 
Hercules did his duty so well 

That he brought him under subjection. 
Now we must receive all this, 

And apply it to our action. 


Has the good king conquered this Geryon? 

Yes indeed. I believe in this all mankind. 

Of the three heads let us write:! 

The first is the king of the Romans, 

Then the archduke, the other neither more nor less 
Than the dowager ; they are altogether 

The three heads, and they ore not able 

To destroy this king as it seems to me. 


Now, though the king has conquered them, 

They never have perceived the way to act 

But the good king, by the good sense he has 
acquired, 

Has quite subdued their evil design. 





1 The word descairon in the original is probably an error for l'escrirons. 


THE TWELVE TRIUMPHS 


And so many times did they think to kill him, 

Offering large sums [to reward] the deed ; 

But God, who liveth, will not suffer to be lost 

His good friend, but has caused them to be de- 
feated. 


O noble king! Since God has given thee aid 
Thou hast not expected to have adversity. 
Put faith in him, since he is thy help; 

He will aid thee in thy necessity. 

Tn whatever season, be it winter or summer, 
Forget him not. I have always regarded 

A proverb which says with truth, 

That which God keeps is always well kept. 


The Tenth Exploit. 


We must now come to the tenth [exploit], 
And relate thus how the thing happened. 
When Hercules had by his conduct 

Taken Geryon and all his cattle, 

Then a robber, called Cacus, came, 

Who wished to decoy all the cattle, 

But Hercules kept so much on his guard 
That the robber was obliged to run away. 


We must speak a little of this Cacus, 

What he is, and what and whom he may re- 
semble, 

He was by nature a great robber, 

Who had never done else than rob. 

From his mouth might be seen to appearance 

A very great fire thrown out in abundance. 

If he did not make Hercules tremble, 

He drove him away by his strength and valour. 


OF HENRY VIL 321 


Whither did Cacus flee? To abridge 

It is needful that I determine this. 

Hercules soon caused him to dislodge 
Nimbly without torch or lantern ; 

And he hid himself within a cavern 

Where there were several other robbers ; . 

It is a place where they govern one another. 
Of all this we must show the application. 


For the cattle I take some soldiers 

‘Who came down by stealth 

Into this country, to act [the part of] foxes, 
And to destroy the king entirely. 

They were valiantly taken and conquered 
And carried away in spite of the robber. 

By this robber I understand no other 

Than Perkin, as we shall tell. 


This Perkin wished to come afterwards, 

He expected to decoy his cattle, 

But he knew not how to keep any of them, . 

And was soon obliged to remove. 

That fire which issued [from him] was his threats, 

For he intended to commit great outrages ; 

But the good king forthwith made him hide 
himself 

In Ireland among the savages. 


And yet let us put on record 

That in Ireland, I remember well 

That is the cavern where are the robbers 

Of his kind, rascally thieves ; 

Where there is neither peace, love, nor concord, 
Nothing but treasons and foul deeds ; 

But at all events, it must be confessed 

That in spite of him his cattle have remained. 


x 


322 THE TWELVE TRIUMPHS 


The Eleventh Exploit. 


The eleventh was when Hercules dragged. 

From hell the dog called Cerberus ; 

And so murderously did the said dog attack 
That whoso defied him was no longer in his place, 
Now he was of the infernal lakes 

The chief porter, and also had three heads, 

But Hercules made an end of his days, 

And conquered him by his noble deeds, 


Whom shall we take for three-headed Cerberus? 

I understand by them his three captains, 

Who were taken with the other animals, 

Whose veins they have done well to close up 

For their labor, and also for their trouble 

They have received their due and their reward. 

And it would have been better for them to have 
had quartan fevers 

Than to undertake what they wished to do, 


The one was Jennot, the second Quentin, [there 
was] also 

With [them] Beld, which is a diabolical name. 

Thus comes the end of treason : 

Who does evil, evil at last returns to him ; 

However, O people of English mould, 

Do not you have hearts so mean and grovelling 

That you cannot be, for the public good, 

Faithful and loyal to noble king Henry. 


OF HENRY VIL 328 


The Twelfth Eaploit. 
The twelfth [exploit] deserves that I relate it. 
In which Hercules again performed a great feat, 
For he conquered the great dragon Maxille,' 
To possess himself of the garden of treasure 
Of the Hesperides where golden apples grew. 
The great dragon’s strength did not prevail; 
Powerfully, with might and main 
He entered and whoso desired to see him might. 


For the strong old dragon 

I understand neither more nor less 

In this place than Maximilian 

Who proclaims and calls himself king of the Romans, 

Who has kept the gate night and morning 

Of this garden and fair pleasure ground, 

To prevent the said [king Henry] by all means 

From having the love of the noble king of France. 

King Henry has vanquished this dragon, 

For he has effected his entrance to the garden ; 

The two kings have lived in good friendship, 

As has already for a long time been shewn, 

If God please [the garden] shall not, as formerly, 
be set apart ; 

But as cousins and relatives they will love each other ; 

The good traders of both countries 

Shall be able to go and come in security. 

Then has this king acquired the fair treasure 

Which he gathered in the pleasure garden, 

That is to say, the said golden apples, 

I mean by them the fleurs-de-lis of France, 

The happy alliance with the French king; 

May God be willing to keep them in friendship. 

Whoever would wish any hurt to the two kings, 

May evil shortly befal him. 


1 Mazille, for Maximilian? The name of the dragon, according to 
Apollonius Rhodius, was Ladon. 


x 2 


THE. TWELVE TRIUMPHS 


There now remains this Maximilian, 

Quite repulsed like one incapable. 

For he was able to find no stratagem or means 

To prevent [entrance to] the beautiful fertile 
garden ; 

He is alone in a useless labour, 

Dead to the world, at last his power 

Shall be shut up, were he to live a thousand years, 

Without any great deed of fame. 


Now I have told the principal exploits 

That Hercules did, which are great in memory ; 
But I think the triumphs of king Henry 

Are higher and of greater glory. 

The reason is this: he always obtained a victory 
Over Envy, his mortal adversary, 

By his virtue and meritorious work ; 

Which Hercules at last was unable to do. 


How Envy caused Hercules to die, 

It is right that I should enter upon to you, 
The centaur Nessus wished to lead 

Across the river the beantiful lady 

Dejanira, who was the wife 

Of Hercules ; who when he saw it 

Did him great harm, for this was the reproach 
That the centaur would have ravished his wife. 


He took his bow and his poisoned arrow, 

And wounded the centaur with his dart ; 

Who said immediately that he should die . 

Of the shameful wound, for there is no remedy. 

He stained his shirt with his blood, 

And determined that he would return the same 
pleasure 

To Hercules, he gave his shirt 

To the lady, and wished her to take it, 


OF HENRY VII. 325 


Saying to her “ Foolish Dejanira 

Do not be any longer melancholy ; 

Thy husband is a lover of the lady Iole, 
Who is daughter of the king [of] Œchalia ; 
I will soon put an end to the folly, 

If you will do what I tell you, 

And never in all his life 

Will he love other woman than you.” 


Dejanira soon believed the centaur, 

And asked what she ought to do, 

Being moved at what the centaur told her, 
And thinking to destroy the love of Iole; 

The centaur told her, like a false one, 

“If thou canst cause my shirt to be worn 

By Hercules, as is necessary to thee, 

He will not desire to turn to other than thee.” 


Dejanira, falsely informed of the case, 

Sent the shirt to Hercules, 

And gave it to the messenger Lichas, 

To convey it to him, in which she was ill-advised ; 
Now Hercules, thinking no evil, took it, 

And put it on; by which means, in short, 

All his body was so distressed 

That he wished to burn himself in the fire. 


Upon the hill called Gta 

He caused a fire to be made, when he saw he 
could do no better ; 

And there determined to make a sad feast, 

A sacrifice of himself to all the gods 

Ending his days. O thou chivalrous one! 

This was a piteous fate for thee, 

When in thy life thou hadst been so fortunate, 

And yet this fate is thy sad end. 


THE TWELVE TRIUMPHS 


O Dejanira, of ready credence ! 

Who believed the centaur thus easily, 

Hadst thou not the knowledge in thyself 

That he desired to revenge himself on thy husband? 
Thy envy brought upon him great danger, 

For which noblesse cries vengeance on thee ; 

Thy jealousy has sent to death 

The noblest man of chivalry. 


Now Hercules had always prevailed 

Against Envy and all her malice, 

But now at his end he was deceived. 

What is the cause of this? Was it just? 

I answer that it was; on account of his vice, 

In which he indulged, breaking his marriage [vow]; 
Then did divine justice permit 

That he should incur this mortal injury. 


Wherefore I conclude that he ought not to have 
Such glory, nor be in such dignity, 

As this good king: I make this known; 
Because vice always injures nobleness, 

A noble heart that loves nobleness, 

Vice never will overcome 

Until Death. Therefore I always say, 

That the good king will be more exalted. 


He hates vice, and esteems the virtues ; 

He desires to lead a noble and good life ; 

By this means he has laid the winds 

Which all the troops of Envy may blow. 

And will still lay them, whatever may be said 
Envy shall never make progress against him, 
For good hope, which always conducts him, 
Makes him always victorious. 


And yet, O king! have good patience, 
And good hope ; it is for thy security ; 





OF HENRY VIL 327 


These two virtues are of great importance, 
Abandon them not either winter or summer. 
Hardly any adversity 

Mayest thou have; believe the fair words of the poets ; 
They may be believed, for, in ancient times, 
They were taken thus for prophets. 


Noble Henry, powerful king of England, 

Have confidence in the great God on high. 

The followers of Marius made war on those of Sylla. 

King Sylla then killed Marius, 

Who became king, and there were thrown into 
confusion 

The party of Marius, and three hundred thousand 
killed ; 

But yet all was not concluded 

Nor all put to death by their subtle dart. 


Another day there was when all remained 
Without one escaping. History relates it. 
Most noble king, speedily shall men see, 

If God please, thy cause well and clearly : 
There shall be none who oppose thee ; 

Thou shalt at last subdue thy enemies. 

For a short time patiently suffer and hope, 
For at last thou shalt have complete victory. 


Pious nation, let us all humbly pray 

The God of gods for the auspicious victory 
Of king Henry ; that he may live long 

In his reign of triumph and glory. 

May his noble blood in this land 

Reign in peace and glory : 

I beg all who may see this story 

To excuse my humble ability. 


328 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


JOURNALS OF ROGER MACHADO. 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 


A.D. 1488. 
Westminster. 


A.D. 1488. Memorandum, that Henry King of England and of 
Embassy France, and Lord of Ireland, the Seventh of his name, 
Spain and sent an embassy into Spain and Portugal in the fourth 
zortugal year of his reign, the year of grace 1488, on the 21st 
day of December. And the ambassadors were Master 
Thomas Salvaige, doctor in law, as chief, and Master 
Richard Nanfan, knight for the king’s body, created 
knight that same day under [the king’s] hands between 
Westminster and Sion, the second in the said embassy. 
And Richmond, King of Arms of Norroy, appointed by 
the king to attend and accompany the said embassy 
throughout that whole journey they were to make both 
in Spain and Portugal. 
A.D. 1489. Item, after the said ambassadors had taken leave of 
they em the king their sovereign lord, they went to the town 
South- of Southampton to ‘take their passage. And in their 
19 Jan”; company was an embassy of the King of Castile. 
These had been in this kingdom of England with 
the said King Henry for the space of a year or 
thereabouts. The names of which ambassadors were, 
first Rodrigo Rodrigez De la Poubla, doctor in law, 


Monsieur Jehan de Sepoulveda knight of the household 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 329 


of the King of Castile, who had a commission by himself A.D. 1489. 
from the queen to the said King Henry. And the said 
chaplain’s' name was Don Martin de Torres. These 

said ambassadors, both of England and Castile, departed 

all in the same company in two Spanish ships from 

the town of Southampton on the 19th day of January, 

at the hour of noon and were all that night at sea 

And next morning at five o'clock or about that time and are 
the wind changed and they were forced again to take driven 
harbour at Plymouth in England And they were Plymouth, 
there till the first day of February. And on the said 9095 
first day of February they departed from the said town 1 Feb. 
of Plymouth about one o'clock afternoon ; and that day 

was the eve of Our Lady of Candlemas. 

After the said ambassadors had departed and put out 
to sea, they were at sea all that night, and had a 
favorable wind all night till about three hours after 
midnight, and then the wind fell and changed to the west, 
and afterwards to the south-east, and was so contrary 
that they were obliged to go to the port of Falmouth. and again 
But before they could gain the said port, they were Fu 
at sca all that eve of Our Lady and the day of Our 
Lady. And on the morrow of Our Lady they landed 
at Falmouth, which was the third day of February, 3 Feb. 
and arrived in a great tempest of wind, rain, and bad 
rough weather. And in this town of Falmouth these said 
ambassadors remained before they had an opportunity 
to depart, the space of ten days. 

And because at the beginning of this book I had Namesof 
forgotten to put in writing the names of the hosts the hots 
with whom those ambassadors were lodged during this the am- 
voyage, it occurs to me now to write it. And it is jodged 
true that these good lords took their passage first at Soath- 
from the town of Southampton, and were lodged opens 





1 Sie. 


330 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1489. [as follows]: the doctor of Castile at the house of 
John Gildon, then bailiff of the said town; and the 
knight of Castile at the hotel of a merchant citizen, 
called Vincent Tyt; and the chaplain of the Queen 
of Castile was lodged in the house of another citizen, 
called Laurence Nyenbolt. And there was lodged in 
the house with this chaplain and in his company a 
herald of the King of Scotland named Snowdon, who 
was sent into Castile by his sovereign lord the King 
of Scotland. The ambassadors of the King of England, 
my sovereign lord, were lodged thus: the doctor 
Master Thomas Savage was lodged with a citizen 
called Thomas Wilson. And Mr. Richard Nanfan, knight 
for the king’s body, was lodged with Richmond King 
of Arms of Norroy, who was staying at the time in the 
said town. Item, after we arrived at Plymouth the 
said ambassadors of Castile were lodged thus: the said 
doctor of Castile with a gentleman called Nicholas 
Aynsle, knight, and the chaplain and the herald of 
Scotland, both together with a citizen and merchant, 
called John Treghill. And the ambassadors of the king 
my sovereign lord; first, the doctor Savage was lodged 
with one of the customers of the said town called 
John Tickpenny. And Master Richard Nanfant with 
a gentleman and alderman of the town called Thomas 
Tresawel. And Richmond King of Arms was lodged 
with one called * #1, at that time mayor of the 
said town. 

ond at Fal- Item, after we left Plymouth we arrived at Fal- 

month, mouth in the duchy of Cornwall, in this kingdom of 
England. And there the ambassadors of Castile were 
lodged [thus]; the doctor with a merchant called 
John Luck, and the knight, the chaplain, and the 
herald of Scotland with a gentleman called Thomas 
Killygrew, and the doctor Savage with a man called 





— 


1 Blank in original. 











A.D. 1489. 


Arrival at 


884 MACHADO’S JOURNAIS. . 


of February. After these ambassadors had come to 
the said town, the alcayde, who is the chief officer of 
the town, and some other citizens went to pay their 
respects to them and offer their service, and the 
freedom of the town. After the said ambassadors had 
arrived there was such a great snow-storm that they 
were forced to rest for the space of seven days, as I 
have already written. 

And on the 28d day of February the said ambas- 
sadors left the said town of Laredo and went that 
night to sleep at a town called Lanestossa, which is 


Lanestosss, five longues from the said town of Laredo, on the 


Medina de 
Poumar, 


Ontomin. 


road to the city of Burgos; it is the last village in 
the county of Biscay, and is a chamber’ of Biscay. And 
the count of Harom who is constable of the kingdom 
of Castile has the government of it, and also of all 
the county. From Lanestossa the ambassadors departed 
on the 24th day of February and went to dine at a 
town called Ville Sainte, which is four leagues from 
Lanestossa. And there is a pass between Lanestossa 
and Ville Sainte, which is called Sandenjesco, and 
which is [on] a high mountain, and is in the winter 
season so full of snow that often many people die 
and are lost there. They left Ville Sainte, and went 
to sleep at a close town® called Medina de Poumar, 
which is three leagues from Ville Sainte. And they 
left Medina de Poumar on the 25th day of February 
and went to sleep at a village called Coirino which 
is six leagues from Medina de Poumar. And from 
Coirino they departed on the 26th day, and went to 
take refreshment in a village called Ontomin. But 
you must know that between that town of Medina de 
Poumar and the village of Coirino, about half way 


1 Une chambre; I presume a place | 2 Ville clousse. 
where courts of justice met. 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 385 


there flows between two high mountains a large river A.D, 1489. 
which is called Ebro; and this river flows to a city 
in the kingdom of Arragon, called Saragossa. And 
from this village of Ontomin the ambassadors sent 
to the city of Burgos to inquire of a merchant of 
that city called Diego de Castro, who had formerly 
frequented the kingdom of England, and upon this 
acquaintance they wrote him a letter [asking him] to 
be pleased to order their lodging in the said city, 
which he did very honourably. This village of On- 
tomin is nearly five leagues from the city of Burgos. 
When the said ambassadors had arrived at nearly Their re- 
a quarter of a league from Burgos, they were met on A at 
the way by the before mentioned merchant Diego de 
Castro, and about ten or twelve other honourable 
merchants of the said city, who had come to offer 
two honourable lodgings, that is to say, the house of 
an honourable merchant called Farnan de Castro, and 
of another called Alonzo of Salamanca. And they 
wished that one of the ambassadors, namely the doctor 
Savage, should be lodged with the said Alonzo of 
Salamanca, and Mr. Richard Nanfan with the said 
Farnan de Castro. But the said ambassadors agreed 
that on account of the great intimacy that they had 
with the said Diego de Castro, they should be 
lodged with the said Fernan de Castro, who is uncle 
of the said Diego de Castro. And the said Fernan 
de Castro received the said ambassadors very honourably, 
and lodged them [not only] their own persons [but] 
two or three of their principal servants each along 
with them. Also the said Fernan de Castro would 
not allow that Richmond King of Arms should be 
lodged in any other house than with him; besides the 
said Fernan de Castro insisted on being at all the 
expense for the said ambassadors, for their victuals and 
for eight persons in their company, and their horses 
for their persons, during the time they remained and 


336 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1489, rested in the said town; and in the same way for the 


said Richmond King of Arms, himself and his horses, 


{as} in his own house. And the rest of the people of 


the said ambassadors were lodged in a hostelry, and 
there they were well lodged. 


These ambassadors arrived in the city of Burgos 


26 Feb. on the 26th of February at about five o’clock in 
where they the afternoon. And in the space of two hours after 


are re- 
joined by 


they arrived in the said city, the doctor De Puebla, 


De Puebla, ambassador of the said king of Castile (as has formerly 


been written) arrived, and the said doctor came from 
Bilboa, for he had landed there from the kingdom 
of England. And the said doctor came to pay respects 
to the said ambassadors. And as soon as all had 
communicated together, the said doctor de Puebla 
sent a messenger to the kings of Castile, his sove- 


. reign lords, to inform them that the ambassadors of 


England had arrived in the city of Burgos, and that 
they should please to let him know how he should 
conduct himself to bring them before their graces, 
And there the said ambassadors remained until this 
doctor de Puebla had an answer from the said kings. 
And because perhaps some may blame me that I speak 
of “kings,” and some people may be astonished, and 
say, “ How! are there two kings in Castile?” No, 
[I say,] but I write “ kings” because the king is king 
on account of the queen, by right of marriage, and 
because they call themselves “ kings,” and superscribe 
their letters “ By the King and Queen,” for she is the 
heiress [of the throne]. 

To return to my first subject of this journey, the 
said ambassadors remained in the said city of Burgos 


andenter- waiting for the answer of the kings. And during 


tained by 
the mer- 


the time that they thus waited the answer of the 


chants who kings, truly those merchants of the city who had 


had 


in England. formerly frequented the kingdom of England gave 


these ambassadors great feasts and entertainment. 











340 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1489. Ribadavia, and several other nobles and great persons, 


knights and esquires, and wealthy people. And so they 
entered the said town, and were conducted to their 
lodging, which had been ordered for them both, [which 
was] very honorably hung with fine tapestry, and their 
rooms [were] well furnished (?) and decorated, with no 
lack of beds, sheets, and other furniture belonging to 
such things. 

The said ambassadors were in the town of Medina 


ey tae for the space of two days before they spoke to the 
the King kings and had audience. And the third day which was 


and Queen, 


14 March, 


"the 14th of March the kings sent for them to present 
their letters, And the bishop of Oviedo and the bishop 
of Malaga came for them, who conducted Sir Richard 
Nanfan, the one on the right and the other on the 
left; and Dr. Savage was conducted by the count of 
Monterrey, and the grand comendador of Calatrava, 
who went with the doctor Savage, and after [them] 
other lords, knights, and great persons in great num- 
ber; and with Richmond King of Arms, there went, 
that first day that they were taken before the king, a 
knight called Sir Rodrigo de Mercado, and Monsieur 
Jehan de Sepoulveda. This Richmond rode before the 
said ambassadors wearing @ rich coat of arms richly 
embroidered with the arms of England. 


Account of It was about seven o’clock in the evening before the 


said ambassadors were sent for, and the daylight was 
failing, but they were sent for with a great attendance 
of torches. When these ambassadors were conducted to 
the palace where the kings were, they found the kings 
in a great room seated under a rich cloth of gold of 
state; and in the middle of this great cloth of state 
was an escutcheon quartered with the arms of Castile 
and Arragon And the king was dressed in a rich 
robe of cloth of gold, woven entirely of gold, and 
furred with a rich trimming of fine sable; and the 
queen was seated beside him, dressed in a rich robe 





342 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1489. Placentia, the Count of Benavento, the Cardinal of 
Castile, (whom I ought to have mentioned first, for 
he was seated nearest to the Queen on the same 
seat), the Grand Comendador, the Admiral of Cas- 
tile, the Count of Ribadeo, the Count of Ribadavis, 
the Grand Comendador of Calatrava, and several 
other great counts, barons, bishops, knights, esquires, 
and other noble persons in great numbera The 
Queen was accompanied by thirty-seven great ladies 
and maidens of noble blood all richly dressed in the 
fashion of the country, and in cloth of gold with 
several other rich [materials] which would be too 
tedious for me to relate. 

I return to my said ambassadors. To make an end, 
Master Richard Nanfan presented the first letter to 
the king, kissing his hand before he presented the 
letter to him. And doctor Savage, after Master 
Richard Nanfan had kissed the hands of both the 
kings, did likewise. And after the said doctor had 
kissed hands he presented another letter to the 
queen ; but before he presented it he made a short 
speech to the queen of twenty or thirty words. And 
after this speech they were both commanded to be 
seated in presence of the kings. And Richmond was 
commanded by the king to place himself behind them 
standing. And there the said doctor made a very 
fine and very creditable oration all in Latin, for 
which he was much praised and followed by the 
great lords and prelates who were there, and received 
great honour for it. This oration you will after- 
wards have more fully in writing. After the said 
oration was concluded, the king called the Cardinal, 
the Constable, the Duke of Alborquerque, the Count of 
Benavente, and the Bishop of Ciudad Rodrigo to a 
council. And the said Bishop of Ciudad Rodrigo was 
commanded to answer the ambassadors on the [sub- 
ject of] the oration which the said doctor had made, 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 343 


{in the same manner] as be had done. But the good AD. 1489. 
bishop was so old, and had lost all his teeth, that 

what he said could with great difficulty be heard. 

And after this answer was made the said ambassadors 

took their leaves of the king, and departed, accom- 

panied to their lodging by the same noblemen who 

bad come in quest of them. It was nearly two 

o'clock in the night before they had returned from 

the king’s court. 

And next day, which was the 15th day of March, Second 
the ambassadors were sent for to go to the kings 
again to make the representation of their embassy for 
which they had come. And the same noblemen who 
had conducted them the evening before came for 
them. It was six o'clock in the evening. And there 
the said ambassadors communicated for the space of 
an hour with the kings [both] they and the ambassa- 
dors whom the said kings had previously sent to 
England, namely, the said doctor De Poebla and Monsieur 
Jehan de Sepoulveda. The king was then dressed in 
a crimson velvet robe furred with sable, with a neck- 
lace of gold of considerable value, all made of * ®1 
of a checquered pattern ; and the queen was dressed in 
a rich woven cloth of gold, and above it, as before, 
a hood of black velvet, and above that a line of 
beaten gold strewed with red and white roses of 
beaten gold, each rose being adorned with rich jewels. 
She had on her neck a rich necklace decorated with 
large rubies and carbuncles, and of great value. 

After the said ambassadors had finished what at 
this time they had to declare to the kings, they de- 
sired of the said kings that it might please them of 
their goodness to let them see the prince and the 
eldest daughter (called the Infante donna Isabella), 


audience, 
15 March. 





? A word omitted in the original. 


344 MACHADO'S JOURNALS, 


A.D. 1489. and all the other daughters, in order to pay respects 


Third an- - 
dience, 


19 March. 


to them, as they were bound by right to do. And 
the kings answered them that they should willingly 
[be allowed to] see the prince and his sister the 
Infanta at this time, and that another day they 
should see the other princesses. And at these words 
the said king called the Constable of Castile, and 
commanded him to go in quest of the prince and his 
sister the Infanta, which he did And immediately he 
went and brought them both together into the room 
where the kings were. And the prince was dressed 
in a robe of rich crimson velvet figured, and furred 
with ermine, and on his head a black hat after the 
French fashion with a cornette of purple very narrow 
all like the branch of a tree. And the Infanta was 
dressed in a kirtle of cloth of gold, and over it a 
robe in the fashion of the country with a long train 
of very rich green velvet. She wore a head-dress 
made of gold thread and black silk in the form of a 
net, all adorned with pearls and other precious stones. 
And the said king was accompanied, as in the pre- 
vious evening, by several prelates and other great 
princes, counts, barons, knights, squires, and several 
other great persons ; and the queen by a dozen ladies 
and maids, And the Infanta entered accompanied by 
four maids. And there the said ambassadors went 
and paid their respects to the said prince and his 
sister the Infante, and kissed their hands Doctor 
Savage made a little address to the said prince. And 
afterwards they took their leave, and returned to their 
lodgings accompanied by the same persons who had 
come for them there. : 

The 19th day of March the said ambassadors were sent 
for by the same lords spiritual and temporal who were . 
accustomed to accompany them ; and they told them that 
the kings desired that they should go with them to the 
complines in their chapel. And so they did; and on 





EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 345 


entering the chapel they found the kings both seated Ap. 1480. 
within the curtain, which was of very rich cloth of gold, 
and with all that was suited to their rank; and the 
chapel was all bung with beautiful and rich tapestry, 
and the altar very richly furnished. After the complines 
were said, the King took the said ambassadors with him, 
the one at his right hand, and the other at his left, 
and Richmond before him. And the Queen followed 
behind him conducted by the Cardinal of Castile. And 
so they entered a large room in which they found all 
the Queen’s young ladies dancing with the noblemen 
and gentlemen of her household. And there the King 
and Queen went and sat down to see the dance, and 
made the said ambassadors be seated beside them on 
their right hands, and the princes and nobles of the 
court on the left. And after they were seated in this 
way the Kings sent for the princess donna Isabella their 
eldest daughter to come to the dance; and she came 
very handsomely and richly dressed and sat down beside 
the King her father at his right hand side, at a little 
distance from him. 

Certainly it was a rich sight to see the Queen and 
her daughter [so] dressed, and twenty-six ladies and 
maidens all daughters of great noblemen, (and the smallest 
that was there was a daughter of Haro), most of them 
dressed in cloth of gold, velvet, and silk, very hand- 
somely. The Queen was all dressed in cloth of gold, 
she wore a head-dress of gold thread, and a fine neck- 
Jace adorned with large pearls, and large and very fine 
diamonds in the centre. The said ambassadors were 
there till ten o’clock. Then the Kings commanded the 
princess their daughter to dance a dance. And she 
immediately rose and went and took a young lady who 
was a Portuguese ; and for this reason at court she had 
no other name than the Portuguese : she was the young 
lady the said princess liked the best. This young lady 
was very gorgeously dressed and danced with her. 


346 MACHADO'S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1489. After she had danced and returned to her place the 


ambassadors took leave of the Kings and were con- 
ducted to their lodging as before by the same noble- 
men. 

On the 22d of March a fine and splendid tilting 
match took place in honor of the ambassadors. And 
the combatants maintainers of the lists were, a noble 
gentleman called Don Pedro of Toledo, and the second, 
Don Diego of Connha, against all comers and goers, 
And the adventurers were Don Hanrique Hanrique, 
another called Pedraires, Don Diego de Velasquo, one 
named Carnajal ; the latter had the prize this time, for 
he ran best, and broke most lances. John de Velasquo 
also did well Don Martin de Connha did well for two 
or three courses, and afterwards he left the lists, and 
was the first who went out of the lists. Inigo Lopis 
de Mendoga, Johu de Lasquez did very well and broke 
four lances, and afterwards left. Don Diego Salvamonto 
did well for two or three courses. Don Francisco de 
le Vantado of Andalusia, Jannot de Visque and Don 
Pedro de Castile. The latter came very richly dressed, 
and next to the person who had the prize, he did best 
asa noble knight. All these noblemen went out very 
richly dressed, and mostof them had housings of very 
rich cloth of gold ; and they would have jousted longer, 
but within an hour after they entered the lists there 
came on such heavy rain that it was necessary to break 
up the lists and for the Kings to retire. 

The Kings had very honorably given orders that the 
ambassadors should be conducted [to a place] near them 
and on the same scaffolding. And in that place there 
were no other [persons] than the Kings, the prince, and 
the Infanta donna Isabella their eldest daughter, and 
the Cardinal of Castile. And the said Kings had ordered 
that the said ambassadors should be the first upon the 
said scaffolding, in order that they might see the Kings 
come in state to the lists. And indeed they came very 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 347 


richly and sumptuously [attired], and it was a fine sight. A.D, 1489. 
Before the King rode all the nobles of his court on 
horseback, most of them dressed as nearly in the French 
fashion as they could, and well-mounted, and after 
them four sergeants-at-arms. And after the sergeants- 
at-arms came the heralds, of whom there were four, 
Richmond king-of-arms of the king of England, who 
was conducted at the right hand of Castile, king-of- 
arms of Castile. And before them went Aragon, king- 
of-arms, who conducted Snowdon, herald of the King of 
Scotland. And between them and the King’s sword 
came the prince of Castile, who was dressed in a rich 
robe of cloth of gold, and [wore] on his head a black 
velvet cap of the old fashion. And he wore on his 
neck a rich huchure all adorned with large balass-rubies 
and other precious stones. After the prince came the 
person who carried the sword, whose name was Mon- 
sieur * *1, and who was mounted on a fine jennet. 
And after him came the King mounted on a fine war 
horse all adorned with gold plate. The king was 
dressed in a robe of cloth of gold furred with ermine, 
with a large collar turned down in the German fashion, 
and a large border furred with the same. After the king 
came the Queen, mounted on a fine mule, and all the 
harness of the said mule was adorned with pearls and 
other precious stones, And she was dressed in a robe 
of a rich woven cloth of golcl made in the fashion of 
the kingdom, and over that a mantilla all spangled with 
lozenges of crimson and blak velvet, and on each 
lozenge was a large pearl. And [along with?] each 
of these pearls a rich balass-rviby the size of a beechnut, 
the richest thing that could 'pe seen, no man ever saw 
anything equal to it. She Jaad on her neck a large 
necklace all adorned with lai:ge diamonds, balass-rubies, 


- 1 Blank ÿ 3 original. 


348 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1489. carbuneles, large pearls, and a great number of other 
rich precious stones. She had upon her head-dress 
two balass-rubies as pendants, the size of a pigeon’s 
egg, and at the end of the said rubies a large pearl, 
which jewel was supposed to be worth twelve thou- 
sand crowns. In conclusion, so rich was the dress 
she wore that day that there is no man who can 
well imagine what could be the value of it, And the 
queen was conducted by the Cardinal of Castile. 
After the queen came the Infanta, the eldest daughter, 
who was dressed completely in rich cloth of gold of 
great value, and on her neck was a rich necklace all 
adorned with large precious stones. And after her 
came out thirty-six great ladies and maidens all of high 
birth, and all dressed in cloth of gold, not all of one 
livery, but quite different one from another, such a 
rich and beautiful sight that it was a wonderful thing, 
and the richness of the dress of these ladies would be 
too long to relate. But I wish to return to other 

After the tilting was over, the kings re- 
turned to the palace, and took the ambassadors with 
them and entered a large room ; and there they sat under 
arich cloth of state, of rich crimson velvet, and richly 
embroidered with the arms of Castile and Arragon, 
and covered with the device of the king, which is a 
. *1 and his motto, written at length, which is, 
“Tantos monta.” 

After the Kings were seated the Prince seated him- 
self at the right hand and the Infanta seated herself 
beside her mother at her left hand, and beside her 
sat the cardinal. And afterwards they caused the 
said ambassadors to be seated a little lower on a 
form at the right hand side. And on the other 
side of the Queen was seated the Count of Haro, 





? Blank i 0 original. 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 349 


Constable of Castile, and the Count of Benavente, and A.D. 1489. 
others. And afterwards the minstrels began to play, 
and the ladies danced with the tilters, who were 
very richly dressed and disguised; and they danced 
till ten o'clock. And after it had struck ten the 
king commanded the prince to go and dance, which 
he did, and danced very well with a young lady 
whom he had chosen for his lady-love, whose name 
was * *' and who was a daughter of. * *? 
And after the prince had danced, the Infanta went to 
dance, and she took her Portuguese and danced with 
her; and all the young ladies together, two and two, 
danced in her party a low dance. And after she had 
danced this low dance the dancing ended for the 
night, and all the ladies and young maidens retired 
from the room. But the Kings and the Prince and 
the Infanta donna Isabella remained seated in their 
places. And the table was put before them. And 
they brought water for the two Kings’ hands. And 
when the water was brought the Prince rose from the 
table and went and held the towel to the King his 
father and to the Queen his mother. And afterwards 
he went and sat down in his place near his father, at 
his right hand, a little lower towards the end of the 
table, and the water was brought to him, and 
similarly to his sister the Infanta And after she had 
washed [her hands] the ambassadors, who were seated 
near the Infanta at the corner of the table, were made 
to wash [their hands]. And many and various dishes 
were served in great quantity. And it was a 
rich sight to see the vase of silver which was 
set on the table, and [which was] of great value. 
And it was a rich thing to see the richness of 
the buffet. After the supper was over the ambas- 


Blank in original. 


350 MACHADO’S JOURNALS, 


AD. 1489, sadors were immediately commanded to take their 


Fourth 
audience, 
24 March, 


leave, and were conducted to their lodging as has 
been written formerly, And it was nearly one hour 
after midnight when all had retired. 

Item, on the 24th day of March the kings sent for 
the said ambassadors, It was the eve of Our Lady of 
March, and they went to the complines, And after- 
wards they went with the kings into a gallery hung 
with fine tapestry. There they found the young 
princesses, these were Donna Maria and our princess 
of England Donna Catherine. The king and queen 
entered and went and sat down, the prince sat on 
the ground before him, and the eldest daughter before 
him, afterwards the other daughters. And I must 
say that the Queen was very richly dressed. And all 
her daughters were similarly dressed, and the said 
two danghters, the Infanta donna Maria, and the 
Infanta donna Catherine, princess of England, had 
fourteen maidens, all noble ladies [attending upon 
them] all of them dressed in cloth of gold, and all of 
them daughters of noblemen. The eldest of them was 
not more than fourteen years old. It was a beautiful 
sight to see the richness of their dresses. And after 
the said young ladies had danced two and two a con- 
siderable time, the Kings commanded their daughter 
the Infanta Donna Maria to go and dance, which she 
did. And she went and took another young lady of 
her age and size, and led her to dance, And so this 
lady danced 8 low and a high dance. And after that 
was done they danced no more. But the said ambas- 
sadors took leave, and went to their lodging, and 
were conducted as they had formerly been. Indeéd I 
believe that no ambassadors ever went [on an 
embassy] who had more honor done them than was 
done to the said ambassadors in everything. People 
speak of the honor done to ambassadors in Eng- 
land ; certainly it is not to be compared to the 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 351 


honor which is done to ambassadors in the kingdom AD. 1489. 
of Castile, and especially in the time of this noble 
king and queen. 

And on the 25th day of this same month of 25 March. 
March the said kings made another festival in 
honour of these ambassadors, to wit, a bull-fight. 

And afterwards there came out about a hundred À bull- 
knights and other noble men who were well mounted Sin, oe 
on fine jennets who skirmished and ran with dogs Bernier 
in the way they fought with the Saracens, which "3 
thing was a fine sight, And the kings and the 
prince and three of the sons of the said kings were 

on the said scaffolding, and the ambessadors beside 
them. And it was beautiful to see how the queen 

held up her youngest daughter, who was the Infanta 
donna Catherine, princess of Wales; and at that time 

she was three years of age. After all that amusement 

was over, the King and Queen retired, and took the 
ambassadors with them, and went into the large room, 

and there the ladies and maidens began to dance with 

the gentlemen who had made the sport of the said 

dogs and bulls. 

The King was dressed at this time in a gown of 
black cloth with open sleeves, And the left sleeve of 
the said gown was bordered with great balass-rubies 
and large rich pearls, And he wore a fine necklace of 
+ *1 And the Queen was dressed in a rich robe 
of green satin [figured with] lozenges embroidered and 
worked with the needle very richly. And round the 
collar of the said robe, in the manner of a necklace, 
was a border the width of two fingers all made of large 
precious stones and large pearls, And the border of the 
robe and the sleeves were hanging down to the ground, 
and were of crimson velvet. And large letters of 
beaten gold, the length of a quarter of a yard, were 





* Unfinished sentence in original. 


A.D. 1489. 


26 Merch, 


27 March, 


352 MACHADO'S JOURNALS, 


sewed upon it, and it was her motto; and each letter 
was decorated with large pearls, the richest thing that 
ever was seen. The prince was dressed in a short robe 
down to the breech, and with black nether garments 
and shoes with long points in the old fashion. And 
the said robe was bordered with the same motto as the 
Queen's, and in similar letters of beaten gold. And he 
wore a cap of black velvet made in a roll in the old 
fashion. And the Infanta donna Isabella was dressed 
in a robe of green cloth of gold with a beautiful rich 
necklace of gold; and she was in no lack of large rich 
precious stones. The third daughter, called Donna 
Maria, who is married or betrothed to the Duke Philip 
of Austria, was dressed in a rich grey cloth of gold. 
And she too was in no lack of fine rich jets and precious 
stones, And as for the dresses and the wealth of those 
ladies and maidens I could not put it in writing for 
you, for I could not write it in a year, the disguises and 
the richness of the changes in dress that they had every 
time while these festivals lasted. And if I should say 
ever so much there would still be much more [to say]. 
On the 26th day of March the said ambassadors were 
sent for in order to come to a conclusion of the business 
they had to do. But because there was wanting one 
article to the writings which had been made upon the 
matters which were between the two kings, for this 
night the said ambassadors could not agree with the 
King’s commissioners. And next day, which was the 
27th day of March, they went again before the kings 
and concluded all their business. And there the Kings 
were sworn upon a book to keep firm and good all that 
had been concluded there between them and my sove- 
reign lord King Henry of England, the Seventh of his 
name. And after the said Kings had thus made oath, 
the said ambassadors took their leaves of the Kings, and 
of my lord the Prince, and of all the princesses their 
daughters ; after this was done the Kings desired that 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 353 


the said ambassadors should conduct them out of the AD. 1489. 
town, which they did And God knows they departed 
from the town of Medina very pompously. And the 
King and my lord the Prince his son rode together. 
And the King took Master Nanfan to his right hand 
side, and the doctor Savage to the other side, to the 
left of my lord the prince. And so they departed 
together. And the Queen and the princesses with the 
other ladies and maidens followed in great number. 
These embassadors conducted the said Kings about two 
bow-shots from the town, and there the king commanded 
them to return. And there the said ambassadors took 
their leaves again, and kissed the hands of the King, the 
Queen, the prince, and all the princesses the King’s 
daughters, and they also took leave of my lord Cardinal, 
and so they departed. And the said ambassadors were 
conducted back again to the said town by several 
nobles, prelates, doctors, knights, and esquires to the 
number of a hundred horse. 

On the 28th day of March the King’s Treasurers came Presents 
to the said ambassadors, and brought them the gifts Des 
which the Kings had ordered them to give them ; that 28 March. 
is, which the said Kings had given to each of them, to 
wit; a war-horse, called in this kingdom of Castille 
a barbed horse, and a Moorish jennet, and two mules, 
four * *!, ten yards of silk stuffs and sixty marks 
of silver to each of them; and to Richmond they 
gave twenty-five yards of silk stuff and a mule, and 
John Nanfan, bastard son of Master Richard Nanfan, 
had the same as the said Richmond. And go the said 
ambassadors took leave of the deputies who had 
been assigned for their guidance, namely, the doctor 
Taillaviere, the secretary Ferdinand Alvarez, and one 
named Don Diego de Guynar who at that time had 





? A word seems to be omitted in the original, 
Z 


AD. 1489. 


qu 


81 March. 


1 April. 


2 April, 


354 MACHADO'S JOURNALS. 


been ordered to go to England, and the doctor de Puebla 
and John de Sepoulveda, knight of the King’s household. 
And the said ambassadors remained in the said town of 
Medina for the space of four days after the Kings had 
left it. Andon the last day of March we left the said 
town of Medina on our way to Portugal, and went to 
dine in a village beyond Medina called Bobadille, which 
is three leagues from Medina, And from Bobadille they 
went to sleep at another village called Ragama, which 
is four leagues from Bobadille, And on the first day 
of April they left Ragama and went to dine at a village 
called Salmoral, which is other four leagues from 

From Salmoral they went to sleep at à 
village called Diogalur, which is other four leagues, 
From Diogalur they set off on the 2d day of April, 
and went to dine at Pont de Cagosto, which is other 
four leagues, And from Pont de Cagosto they went 
to sleep at a town called Beigar de Castamghaur, which 
is other four leagues. 

In this town of Beigar the said ambassadors found 
the duke of Placentia, who had arrived the evening 
before in the said town, And when he heard the 
news that the ambassadors were to come to sleep that 
night in the town, he immediately caused a house of 
his, that he had in the said town, to be prepared, and 
there he caused them to be lodged. And then he caused 
their supper to be prepared very honourably, of good 
fresh fish, both salt and fresh-water [fish], and they 
had good cheer. But they did not speak with him 
nor see him, for it was then too late, but he sent to 
tell them by his steward that they were welcome, and 
that he should give them the best cheer he could, with 
all his heart, and that he knew very well that it was 
the will of the king his sovereign lord that he should 
do so; and that if it was their pleasure to rest in this 
town that they would do him a great pleasure, and 
that he would take them to hunt, and give them all 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 355 


the pleasure and amusement that he could. And the A.D. 1480. 
said ambassadors answered, that they thanked his grace 
for the great entertainment and good cheer that he had 
given them. And that if it were his good pleasure 
they would set off very early next morning, which 
they did And it was the 3d day of April, and 
they went and had refreshments that day at a village 
which is called Aldea Nueva, which is four leagues 
from Beigar; and from Aldea Nueva they went to 
sleep at Vilhar, which is three leagues [further]. And 
from Vilhar they went to the city of Placentia which 
is three leagues [further]. 
And they entered this city of Placentia on the 4th 4 April 
day of April, and there they found another knight 
called Don Francisco de Sconniga, uncle of the duke 
of Placentia. But they were at variance, the duke and 
he, because that Don Francisco had taken the said city 
of Placentia from the said duke, and given it to the 
King of Castile. This Don Francisco received the said 
ambassadors into his house very honourably. And for 
that day they remained in the said city, lodged with 
him in his house. And there they dined and supped 
in their rooms, but not with him, because he wished 
to be with my lady his wife. And because it is not 
the custom of the country that women ever come and 
eat in company with strangers, this was the reason 
they were by themselves. 
And the next day which was Passion Sunday they heard 5 April 
mass in the same house. And after mass they dined 
very well. And it was the 5th day. And they got 
on horseback, and the said lord Don Francisco also 
mounted a fine jennet and conducted them out of the 
city, and there took his leave of them And that 
night they went to sleep at a village called Canha- 
veral, which is seven leagues from Placentia. And Richmond 
beyond Canhaveral Richmond left the said ambassadors, ow the 
and rode before to [announce ?] their arrival at the first 6 April 
z2 


356 MACHADO’S JOURNALS, 


A.D. 1489. town in the kingdom of Portugal. And on the morning 


Tis col- 
les 
follow, 

9 April. 


of the 6th day he set off and went for refreshment 
into a good village called Rue de Poirquo, which is 
seven leagues from Canhaveral, and where there is a 
river to cross by boat two leagues from Canhaveral, 
which river is called Tagus. And this river runs 
to the city of Lisbon in the kingdom of Portugal. 
And from Rue de Poirquo the said Richmond went to 
sleep that night in a wood in which there were only two 
houses, which was five leagues beyond Rue de Poirquo, 
and the name of that place with two houses is La 
Vente. From La Vente he went to dine at a town 
called Albuquerque, which is four leagues beyond La 
Vente. And from Albuquerque he went to sleep in 
the town of Elvas, which is six leagues from Albu- 
querque. And this Elvas is in the kingdom of Por- 
tugal, a good and strong town. And the said Richmond 
arrived in this town of Elvas in Portugal on the 8th 
day of April. And as soon as he was arrived in the 
said town he went to speak to the governors of the 
town to intimate the coming of the said ambassadors, 
and also to order their lodging. And next day the 
said governors ordered the said lodging for the said 
ambassadors. And after this was done, the said Rich- 
mond sent a messenger with a letter from him to the 
said king of Portugal to intimate to him that the 
said ambassadors had entered his kingdom. And it 
was the 8th day of April 

And on the 9th day of April the said ambassadors 
entered the said town of Elvas at the hour of noon. 
And they remained in this town of Elvas till they 
heard news from the king concerning his good pleasure. 
It is true that during the time that these ambassadors 
were in the town of Elvas, as soon as they were 
arrived he' sent them a present, which was a load of 





? The writer here uses a pronoun without an antecedent, asthe word 
cannot apply to the King of Portugal. 


EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 357 


wine and three loads of barley for the horses, and a AD. 1489, 
large dish of sweet-meats, and another of fried fish 
made in the manner of the country, and prayed them 
that it would please them to pardon him for not having 
gone to meet them on the road, and he had done so 
because the custom of the country is that when the 
wife or other relative of a gentleman dies, the near 
relatives and friends keep within the house for some 
days, and so this gentleman was doing. After this 
gentleman (whose name was Ruy Dabreu, captain of 
the castle of the said town,) had sent his present, 
another gentleman, cousin-german of that gentleman 
captain of the castle, called Leones Pesteuna, (who 
‘was captain of the town,) sent the said ambassadors 
@ present, to wit, wine and fruits, sweet-meats and 
other luxuries, And after all this, the town sent a 
present to the said ambassadors, to wit, a basket full 
of fish, both fresh and salt-water [fish] in great abun- 
dance, as well as wine, bread, and fruits, and several 
other things in great abundance, 

These said ambassadors remained in that town of 
Elvas for the space of four days, and kept Palm Sunday! 
in the said town of Elvas; and after mass had been 
said, the Saracens and their wives came to dance 
before the said ambassadors, and also the players 
performed parts as well as they could And on the They kavo 
18th day of April the said ambassadors departed [to en ih 
go to] the king, in company of the gentleman of the 
king’s household whom the said king had sent to con- 
duct the said ambassadors. And they were conducted 
out of the said town by the estates and governors of 
the said town in the most honorable manner possible. 
And that same 13th day of April they went to sleep at 
a town called Villa Vicossa, which is four leagues from 
Elvas, going towards Beja, where the king was. 





2 The 12th of April in 1489, 


ALD, 1489. 


14,15 
April. 


358 MACHADO'S JOURNALS. 


There came to that town Villa Vicossa a 
the ambassadors, sent by the king, who told 
the king saluted them and had sent to sa; 
they had come during the Holy Week, and 
was in the habit, according to custom, of i 
to a church on the Thursday at the time of 
datum, and not coming out of the said church 
vespers on Easter-day after high mass is said, for 
reason it appeared to him that it would 
[for them] to remain during Easter in the 
te de 
best before coming to that where the kin; 
however he left it to their own discretion, And 
said ambassadors answered that they thought it was 


iibpestt 
Men 


to sleep that night at three leagues from Villa Vicossa 
in a town called Redondo, And these said ambassadors 
were received and again conducted out of the said town 
of Villa Vicossa by three noble gentlemen, sons of a 
noble knight called Ayres de Mirando, and these three 
gentlemen were escorted by forty horse [men] on fine 
jennets, and well mounted. After these ambassadors had 
entered the town, the mother of these noble gentlemen 
sent the said ambassadors a present of two or three sorts 
of wine and preserves, and the following morning like- 
wise; and sent to tell them that if my lord her husband 
had been at home they should have lodged with him, 
and for this [she prayed] that they would be pleased to 
excuse them. 

This knight that the king had sent to them in the 
said town of Villa Vicossa was called Senhor Gil Matosso, 
and he arrived where they were on the 14th day of 
April; and on the 15th day they left Redondo, and 
went to dine at a town called Portel. And in that 





EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 3359 


town they were lodged in the house of a knight AD. 1489. 
called Senhor Fernand Alverez Madoureira, and they 

were there for the space of five days. And as it was Stay 0 over 
near Easter the king wished them to remain during pons, Easter at 
Easter in this town, and so they did. And the said 

knight defrayed all the expense of the food they ate 

out of his house and of their clothing during the time 

they were there. And there was no scarcity of good 
victuals, but great abundance. 

And on the 21st day of April the said ambassadors 21 April. 
left the said town of Portel, and went to dine at a 
village called Vedegeira, which is two leagues from 
Portel. And there the king’s household was. In this 
town of Portel a great festival was made for the 
ambassadors, dances of men and women in the fashion 
of the country, bull-fights and wrestlings ; all possible 
amusement and pleasure was made for them. It is Aremetby 
true that at a league from that village called Vede- the chan- 
geira, where the king’s household was, the high chan- Portugal 
cellor of Portugal came well attended by several nobles degeira. 
and persons of condition, such as knights, doctors and 
attorneys, barristers, esquires, and other persons of 
condition to the number of a hundred horse. And 
there the said chancellor made a great address to the 
said ambassadors on the part of the king, his sovereign 
lord; the conclusion of which address was that the 
said king, his sovereign, was very joyful at their arrival, 
and that they were welcome to his kingdom, and not 
like strangers, but like the people of his own kingdom, 
for he held the King of England, his cousin, as his own 
brother, his true friend and ancient ally, and for this 
reason they were more welcome in his kingdom than 
any others, of whatever nation they might be. 

After the said chancellor had made this address, 
the doctor Savage, as a man of condition, answered 
him upon the said address in such a way that the 
said chancellor and all the other knights in his com- 


360 MACHADO'S JOURNALS. 


AD, 1489. pany gave him great praise. And so, after this was 


Arrive at 
Beja; 


over, they rode together to the said village. And 
there the said ambassadors dined with a knight called 
Senhor Alvaro de Caminha, And after they had dined 
the said chancellor came on horseback in quest of them 
to their lodging, and rode in their company on the way 
to Beja where the King was. And when they were a 
league from the said town they were met by the Grand 
Seneschal of Portugal, the Captain of Portugal, and 
another baron called Senhor Ruy de Soussa, who received 
them on the part of the King, their said sovereign. 
And so they rode on till they came to within half a 
league of the town. And there they were again met 
by several noble lords, who were, the Marquis of Ville 
Real, and the Count * *1, the Count de Marialva, 
the Count of Abraynches, the count * *1, and 
several other great lords and barons, knights, and 
squires, and a great number of other noble persons, all 
mounted on fine and handsome horses and mules, and 
well dressed. And so they rode on till within a quarter 
of a league from the town. And there they were again 
met by the Bishop of Lamego, the Bishop of Ceuta, 
and the Prior of the order of St. John, called the Prior 
of Crato, and several other knights, heralds, and trum- 
peters, who continued blowing the trumpet till they 
entered the town. 

And when they were a bow-shot from the said town, 
at the gate of the said town there was a beautiful, 
high, and strong tower fortified with marble. And this 
tower was full of banners, and there were at their posts 
several gunners who fired a salute of several cannons, 
And after the cannons had ceased the minstrels 
to play on their “cherumbelles” and sackbuts [in a 
manner] marvelously pleasant to hear from the height 





* Blank in original. 

















366 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1489. and went towards the King of Portugal, who was in 


The am- 


Algarve, in the town of Taville. And after he had left, 
the ambassadors departed from Lisbon, on the 3d day 
of July, to take their passage. And they went to sleep 
at a village which is three leagues from Lisbon, called 
Wiweires, and were there for the space of four days. 
And on the 7th day of the said month of July the 


bassad 
embark for said ambassadors entered their ship to go to England, 


England 


: at about eight or nine o'clock in the morning, and that 


7 July. day they went under sail. And they were ten days 


between Wieres and Cape Finisterre before they were 
able to double the said cape. And on the said 10th 
day in the morning, between five and six oclock, the 
wind came to the south-west, and so began to blow in 


* such a way that in the afternoon at three oclock we 


doubled the said cape. And after thus doubling the 
said cape, the wind increased more and more as much 
as it could, to so great a degree that on the eleventh 
day after our said departure, in the evening at sunset, 
we had passed half the Spanish sea between the said 
cape and the first land of England, which was seventy 
leagues ; for between the one land and the other there 
are seven score leagues, and between the City of Lisbon 
and the said Cape of Finisterre there are four score 
leagues, so we made as much way after we had passed 
the said cape in a day and a night as we had made 
in the other ten days before mentioned ; so we held 
on our route all that eleventh day till the hour of 
noon, which was Friday. And that Friday the eleventh 
day, at the hour of noon as was written before, the 
wind suddenly changed from the south to the north, 
quite contrary. And after it had come to the north 
it began to calm. And that calin lasted all that night 
till next day, which was the twelfth day since our 
departure, and was Saturday, till about noon. And at 
the hour of noon it veered round to the south- 
east; and so it remained till three o’clock in the 





EMBASSY TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 367 


afternoon. And then came a good fresh breeze from AD, 1489. 


the south-west, which lasted all that night and next 
day, which was Sunday, and the thirteenth day. And 
it blew so strong that it carried us fully three leagues 
an hour, and it was the finest weather that man 
could desire. And this weather lasted all that day 
till midnight. And at midnight, as the moon rose, the 
wind changed again to the north, and north-north-west. 
And that morning, which was the fourteenth day of 
our voyage, the weather became very bad with wind 
and great rain; and then we were only fifteen leagues 
from the island of Sorlingue. And that contrary wind 
with drizzling rain detained us all that day and next 
day, which was the sixteenth day, and the day of 


the Magdalen. Great trouble we had to double the 22 July. 


Cape of Cornwall, however we doubled it on Monday 
evening with great trouble at four o'clock in the after- 
noon. And after we had doubled it, that same wind 
blew us off shore, however it was calm, for which 
reason we could not recover land. And the next day, 
the beforesaid day of the Magdalen, we gained the 
land of Padstow in Cornwall 


And in the morning at six o’clock Sir Richard Nanfan and à land in 


landed with all his company. The doctor Savage Ÿ 
took his leave of the said Sir Richard Nanfan im- 
mediately after doubling the said cape, and took his 
way towards Bristol with his ship. After the said 
Sir Richard had landed, Richmond King of Arms 
took his leave to go to his own home, which leave the 
said knight granted him, praying him that he, the said 
Richmond, would go within a day after he should 
arrive at home, and ride to the King to certify to his 
grace that he had landed, and also that the said doctor 
had gone to land at Bristol And so the said Rich- 
mond did, and went that evening to sleep at a village 
twenty miles from Padstow, called Launceston. And 
next day he went to sleep at Exeter, which is thirty- 








369 


First EmBAssy TO BRITANNY. 


Anno 1490, the 12th day of June, the fifth year of the AD. 1490. 


reign of King Henry, the Seventh in England of 
that name. 


Memorandum, that the King, our Sovereign Lord, sent Sir r Robert 
Mr. Robert Clifford, knight of the guard of the King’s oa} and Beh. 
person, and Richmond, King of Arms of Norroy, in mond King 
embassy to Monsieur de Rieux, Marshal of Britanny. of Arms 
And the said ambassadors departed from the King’s Britanny. 


grace on the 14th day of this before-mentioned month 
of June, and set out on their way to the town of 
Southampton, from which they expected to take their 
passage. And the said Richmond arrived in the said 
town. of Southampton by the space of two days before 
the said Mr. Robert Clifford, to order his passage for 
him, which he did. But when the said Mr. Robert had 
arrived in the said town of Southampton, and had seen 
the boat that the said Richmond had ordered for him, 
and for their horses, the said Mr. Robert refused the 
said boat, because it was too small, as it appeared to 
him, for his person; for it was only sixteen tons 
[burden]. And for this reason the said Mr. Robert 
immediately sent a pursuivant called Brook, who was a 
follower of the great steward of the king’s household, 
to the town of Portsmouth to the clerk of the King’s 
navy, who was at that time in the said town of Ports- 
mouth, whose name was John Commersal, to ask him 
that he would be pleased to order, in that said town, a 
ship for his passage with all diligence, with a placard 
AA 


370 MACHADO'S JOURNALS. 


A.D, 1490. sealed with the King’s privy seal, in which his grace 
commanded that with the greatest diligence a passage 
for these said ambassadors should be ordered, at the 
expense of the said King. And the said Commersal, 
after he had received the said privy seal of the King, 
with the request of the said Mr, Robert Clifford, 
immediately caused to be ordered for him in that said 
town a bark of sixty tons burden, the name of which 
was, “The Magdalen of Portsmouth,” which was a good 
fine vessel, and well furnished. 

The said Mr. Robert and Richmond arrived at this 

22 Jane, town of Portsmouth on the 22d day of June, and were 

An. there for the space of twelve days before [there was] a 

tion leave wind that could suit them. And on the thirteenth day 

Forts,, they left Portsmouth, which was the 4th day of July, 

4 July, about nine o'clock, And the wind blew from the north- 
west all that day till evening near sunset, and then the 
wind changed to the south. And nothing could be done 
‘but to cast anchor because the wind and tide were against 
us. And we cast anchor beyond Poole in a place called 
Swanzeel And there we were till eleven o'clock, before 
midnight. And then we weighed anchor. And the wind 
and tide remained [favorable] till next morning at five 
o'clock, and with this short wind we gained Weymouth. 

5,6 July. And there we were all that day, which was the 5th day. 
And on the 6th day, at ten o'clock at night, we left 
Weymouth against the wishes of the sailors, because 
the wind was insufficient; but Master Clifford com- 
manded them to depart, to shorten the voyage, 80 as to 
make the more haste to accomplish what the king had 
commanded us. And all that night after we had set off 
the wind blew west north-west, but so lightly all that 
night and all next day that it was impossible for us to 
gain the coast of Britanny, but we were obliged to take 
the isle of Guernsey, which we did. 





? Doubtless Swanage. 


FIRST EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 871 


And as we were entering the harbour of St. Peter AD. 1490. 
Port two ships of war came out upon us, the one from Are at- 
St. Malo of forty tons burden, and the other of Cher- senaprte d 
bourg of thirty tons burden. They attacked us very mer re 
fiercely ; but we defended ourselves from them, God be ™ 
thanked, so well that if Master Clifford had allowed it, 
we might have taken both of them. But Master Clif- 
ford would not have our people to fight until we should 
be landed, because he would not run the risk for the 
sake of the great charge we had in our embassy. And 
80 we were landed at Cornet Castle; and there the 
lieutenant came to receive us, with the soldiers of the 
castle, which lieutenant was called John Apris! And 
after we were thus Innded, Master Clifford prayed the 
said lieutenant, that it would please him to lend him 
some of his soldiers to assist the ship, and that they 
might give chase again to the two French ships, or 
else that he would fight them. And the said lieutenant 
said that he would do so very willingly, and he lent him 
fourteen men, who went on board. And as soon as they 
were on board the master of the ship ordered to weigh 
anchor and lower the sail, and took to the chase after 
them. But the wind calmed on them, and the French which with 
had not courage to wait, but went away and put to sea, fn 
And so our people returned to the said harbour of Guernsey 
St. Peter Port. fee” 

When we had come to the said port we found there 
four ships of French pilgrims, among whom was the 
Grand Porcon and his wife, and another knight called 
Morgan, who were going on a pilgrimage to St. James. 

We arrived in the town of St. Peter Port on the 7th day 7 July. 
of the said month of July. And there we remained till 
the 11th, which was a Sunday; and that 11th day in 11 July. 
the evening at sunset we left St. Peter Port with a 


i 





' Qu Ap Rice? 
AA 2 


372 MACHADO'S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1490. wind from the north-east, and arrived at Lantregier next 


they | land 
poe 


45 July 


16 July. 


morning at six o’clock, which was the 12th day of July. 
And as soon as we were arrived in the said town, there 
we had news that the marshal was in the town of 
Vannes. And that same day Master Clifford made the 
governors of the town come to him to provide horses 
for him, in order to make his journey to the marshal 
that same day, which he did And we set off about 
four o’clock in the afternoon, and went to sleep that 
night at Guingamp, which is seven leagues from Len- 
terguer. And when we arrived at the said town of 
Guingamp, Master Clifford was met there on the way by 
the captain of the town with all the gentlemen who 
were in garrison under him; which captain’s name was 
William Bas Bouchel. On the 13th day we left Guin- 
gamp, and went that day to sleep at Rotram, which is 
six leagues from Guingamp. And from Rotram we 
went to take refreshment at a village called Beubri, 
which is six leagues from Rotram. And from Beubri we 
went to sleep at a village called Plouenguir, which is 
four leagues from Beubri. And from Plouenguir we 
went to Vannes, which is five leagues from Plouenguir. 
And we entered the town of Vannes on the 15th 
day of July. And at a quarter of a league we were 
met on the road by Mr. John Norbury, Mr. Richard 
Woodville, Monsieur de la Marche, and other English 
gentlemen, accompanied by the archers and a part of 
the company, that they had in their two retinues 
And in the said town we expected to find the mar- 
shal, but at that time he had not yet arrived in the 
said town, but he was at Malétroit, a town six leagues 
from Vannes. And that same night we sent Brook, 
the pursuivant, to him, to know what his good plea- 
sure was as to where we should go to him. And 
next day which was the 16th day he sent to us the 
Governor of Auxerre, and his Controller, who came to 
salute us on his part, and told us that the marshal 





Rich- 

mond had come to the said marshal in that said town 
known to of Vannes, the three estates of the duchy of Britanny 
Has were at the same time assembled in the said town, 
the Duchy. to whom it was necessary to have knowledge of the 
commission that we had to the marshal; for the matter 
concerned the whole duchy of Britanny. For which 


19 July. next day, which was the 19th day, And that day the 


ner was over he said that he wished to go to the 
estates, to declare and open up to them the cause of 
our coming, which he did. And in the evening we 
went to supper with him. And then he appointed to 
converse with us in the church of St, Peters [next 
day] which was the 20th day, 
20 July. That 20th day the marzhal did not speak to us in 
the said church as he had appointed, but sent for us 
at the dinner hour to dine with him, which we did 
And when the dinner was over, the said marshal made 
us come into his room, and there took with him the 
Governor of Auxerre and the Controller of Britanny, 
and there began to communicate with us regarding 
our business. And that same day it was concluded 
that the said marshal should take into the town and 
castle of Nantes a certain number of English, and that 
Richmond in all haste I, Richmond, should go to England to the 
tire King our Sovereign Lord to make him hasten the 
hasten the large and powerful army which he had quite ready, and 
HR to have it sent over in all haste, for the case required 
Britanny. jt, as the French had determined to besiege the town of 
22 July. Nantes. On the 22d day the said seneschal’ asked us 
to supper with him, and said that after supper he 





1 Sie, for marshal. 





FIRST EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 375. 


would dismiss me, which he did. And immediately A.D. 1490. 
after he had supped he took us apart, and gave me 

all my commission upon what he would have me to 

say to the King our said Sovereign Lord; but he told 

me he did not wish me to take leave of him till 

next morning which was the 23d day. And that 23 July. 
morning he sent for me and for Mr. Robert Clifford ee 
at about five o'clock in the morning. And when we 

came to him we found him with the Prince, and both 

he and the Prince were ready to mount their horses 

to go hunting. And there, on the streets, I took leave 

of him and of the Prince as they were going to mount 

their horses. And after I had taken my leave of him, 

I went to take my leave of the Prince, who prayed 

that I would commend him to the King my Sovereign 

Lord. And so the said lords departed. And after 

they had departed the Controller of Britanny came, 

whose name was William de Bongeur, who gave me 

40 matlhes postules which the said lord marshal had 

sent me to defray my expenses out of the town. 

- And after all this was done, and I had taken my 

leave of all, I desired the provost of the town to pro- 

vide horses for me to a town called Hennebon; but 

for all I could do I could not get horses to bire all 

that day, till next day, which was the 24th day of 24 July. 
July, full two hours after dinner. Item, while I was 

thus waiting for horses there came news to the marshal, 

both from France and England. Item, from France, The mar- 
that the Lord de Guimine had gone on the part of the SB! re 
duchess into France to see if there was going to be a portant 
truce on a certain day, as I have to show more fully ponton 
by the letters which the said Lord de Guimine had England. 
sent to the duchess about what he had been occupied 

with in France, on the one hand; on the other was 

the news brought by a courier from the duchess, which 

was that the King our Sovereign Lord was sending 

the Earl of Shrewsbury into Britanny with a great 


376 MACHADO'S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1490. military force to the number of 8,000 soldiers to assist 


Departure 
of Rich- 
mond with 
Mons. 
Gibon. 


25 July. 


27 July. 


the duchess in the defence of the said duchy against 
King Charles VIII. of France. 

And after this news was thus come to the marshal, 
I, Richmond, took horse in company with a secretary 
of the duchess called Monsieur Jean Gibon, who at that 
time was going to England on an embassy to the 
King. And we went that day to sleep at a village 
called Auray, which is four leagues from the town 
of Vannes going towards Morlaix. And next day 
which was Sunday, and the 25th day of the said 
month, we heard mass in the said village. And we 
went to dine at Hennebon, which is six leagues from 
Auray. And there we supped, and we went to sleep at 
Faveny, which is six leagues from Hennebon. We 
departed from Faveny on the 26th day and went to dine 
at Carhaix. And there we found Master James Parker 
and Master Sampson Norton, who were going with their 
company to the marshal, who had sent for them by one 
of his gentlemen, who had the charge of conducting them 
to the said marshal, whose name was * 

Seigneur de Daureon. From Carhaix we went to 
Morlaix, and there we arrived at ten o'clock at night. 
And we were two days in Morlaix. And on the 27th 
day of the said month the said captains sent to tell 
me how they had had a battle with the peasant serfs 
of the territory of the Lord of Rohan and the Lord 
of Quintin his brother, because they would not pay 


The Breton the hearth-money to the duchess; and therefore they 


peasants 
rebel, and 


rebelled against her, saying that they were quite ruined 


ttack th 
att “ish e as well by the duchess as by the King of France 


and the King of England, and that they would endure 
no more, but would choose a duke and a duchess at 
their own will. And therefore they would obey no 


ee ee me 


' Blank in original. 





FIRST EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 377 


one but themselves. And to make the thing short AD. 1490. 
they said that they would fight those said English, 
which they did. And there they came together the 
one against the other, till there were killed on the 
side of the peasants 400 serfs and 300 taken; and 
of the English some were wounded, but none died nor 
were killed. 
Item, next day we departed from Morlaix, which 
was the 28th day, and were at sea all that day, and 28,29July. 
next day which was the 29th day. And on the last Return of 
day of the said month we arrived at Dartmouth, and 
heard the news that the King was at Portsmouth, and 
was making ready the large army. And so we set 
out that last day of July and rode that night to 
Exeter. And we arrived there at eleven o'clock, 
before midnight. Next day which was Sunday and 
the Ist day of August, I, Richmond, rose early and 1 Aug. 
went to speak to the mayor of the said city of Exeter 
to provide horses for me, which he did; but it was 
full two hours after noon before I could have them. 
And as soon as they were delivered to me I mounted 
on horseback, and went to sleep that night at Chard 
which is twenty-two miles from Exeter, riding towards 
Salisbury. On the 2d day of August I went to 
sleep at Shaftesbury, which is thirty leagues. And 
from Shaftesbury I went to take refreshment at a 
village in the New Forest, called Fording Brigs, 
which is fifteen leagues from Shaftesbury. And from 
Fording Brigs I went to sleep at Southampton, which 
is other fifteen miles from Fording Brigs. And in this 
town of Southampton I arrived on the 4th day of 
the said month, and next day which was the 5th day 4,5 Aug. 
I departed from Southampton because I was told 
that the King was in a village which is called Alton. 
In riding I found the Chancellor of Britanny, who 
at that time was called * *' de Montauban, a mile 


: Blank in original. 





SECOND EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 374 


SECOND EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 


ANNO 1490. 
A.D. 1490. 


Memorandum, that the King my Sovereign Lord, pe SRE 
Henry, the Seventh of his name, sent me again into à, despatched 
Britanny this same year above written, on the 9th into Bri- 
day of August, to the marshal of Britanny, that is , Aug. 
the Seigneur de Rieux. And I was despatched by 
the King in his manor of Eltham, and that same day 
I went to sleep in London. And there I remained 
a day to prepare myself to go upon my voyage. 

And on the 12th day I departed from the said city 12 Aug. 
of London, and went to sleep that day at Farnham. 

And next day, which was the 13th day, I went and 13 Aug. 
had refreshment at Alresford, and slept in South- 
ampton. And I was at my own house in the said 

town of Southampton for the space of three days. 

And on the 16th day of the said month I departed 16 Aug. 
from my house and went to sleep ‘at Portsmouth, 

where I freighted a ship of Britanny called “ The 

Mary of Saint Pol,” which cost me for my passage 

8l. sterling; which was ready within two days after 

I had arrived in the said town of Portsmouth In 

my company there was at this time a secretary of 

the duchess of Britanny whose name was Mr. Michel 

Le Gac, who had been sent to the King my master 

by the said marshal of Britanny. And we both 
crossed together, and left Portsmouth on the 18th day 18 Aug. 
of the said month, about two hours after midnight. 

And the Grand Master left in the morning at dawn. 








382 MACHADO’S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1490. the Attorney General, which attorney made a declara- 
tion to us on the part of the said lord the marshal 
of all that he had transacted in France with the said 
French King. And they asked us if we would be 
pleased to ride with the said marshal to the Duchess 
to Rennes to arrange with us the answer that the 
Duchess should make to the said ambassadors of 
France ; for they would not have the said Duchess 
make uny answer without the advice of all of us who 
had been deputed and commissioned by the Kings our 
sovereign lords. And so it was agreed and concluded. 

After this conclusion so taken the Prince of Orange 
departed for the said town of Rennes, and the said 
ambassadors of France in his company; and they left 

5 Sept. the said town of Nantes on the 5th day of the afore- 
said month. And in the space of an hour after Master 
James Parker and Master Samson Norton entered the 
said town with their company. And they were met by 
the way by the marshal and by Mr. Robert Clifford 
and other gentlemen both of the household of Mon- 
8 Sept. sieur d’Albret and of the marshal. And on the 8th 
day the marshal departed from the city of Nantes to 
go to Rennes to the Duchess to give an answer to 
the said ambassadors of France on the subject that 
the said marshal had transacted in France with the 

Richmond said French King. And Madame de Laval also de- 

end iitord parted that same day for Rennes, and also Mr. Robert 

Rennes in Clifford and myself, Richmond. And we rode toge- 

withthe ther on the way till [we came to] Roche Bernart, a 

marshal; village which is eight leagues from Vannes. And there 
the marshal left for a castle which belongs to him, 
and which is six leagues from Vannes, and which is 
called Rochefort, and Madame de Laval also. And 
Mr. Clifford went to sleep at Vannes and arrived at 

10 Sept, the said town of Vannes on the 10th day of the said 
month of September, and I, Richmond, along with him. 
And there we waited till we had news of the Grand 





384 MACHADO'S JOURNALS. 


A.D. 1490, walls of the said town, and there we had a great 
communication together upon the business of the com- 
mission we had on the part of the king our master. 

18 Sept. Next day, which was the 18th day, at the request 
of the marshal, the said Mr. Robert and I, Richmond, 
rode to the said lord the grand master to the village 
of Carhaix, which is seven leagues from Morlaix, and 
ten leagues from the said town of Hennebon, to know 
from him in what place it was his pleasure that the 
said lord the marshal [and he] should converse together 
so as to have a conference, as well as some other 
things. And on that said 18th day we arrived so late 
with the said lord the grand master in the said town 
of Carhaix, that on that night we had not much 
conversation together, because the said Sir Clifford was 

a little indisposed. Therefore, next day, which was 

19Sept the 19th day, we rose very early and then we com- 
municated together upon our business. And that day 
I, Richmond, parted from the grand master to go to 
the marshal to know from him [what] his good pleasure 
[was], and whether he wished that the said grand 
master should speak to him. And when I had thus 
departed I met on the road between Carhaix and 
Fouuet a rider who was coming from the said lord 
the marshal, and was riding to the said grand master 
to inform him that the said lord the marshal would 
meet him in the said village of Fauuet, which he 

208ept did. And there they met on the 20th day of the 

Meeting of said month. And after they had thus conversed 

Master of together, early next morning they went together to 

England mass in the parish church. And after mass had been 

aide Said they took leave of each other, and so parted, the 

Rieux. said grand master again for Carhaix, and the said 
marshal for Malétroit. For in the said town of 
Malétroit were the Prince of Orange and the lady de 
Laval, who were waiting there for the said marshal 
to speak together on the despatch that had been made 


Fai 


SECOND EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 385 


to the said ambassadors of France as well as on the AD. 1490. 
despatch of the said Prince, who was returning to 
France on the part of the Duchess, relative to the 
appointment which had been made between the said 
French King and the said Duchess. 

These aforesaid persons communicated together on 
the 23d and 24th days of the said month, in the 23 and 
said town of Malétroit, and that same 24th day, after 2 Sep. 
dinner, they finished their communication. And they 
parted immediately, the Prince and the lady de Laval for 
Nantes, and the marshal for Lower Britanny to go 
to pacify the peasants who had risen against the 
Duchess and also against the marshal, saying that they 
would no longer pay the hearth-money. The said 
Mr. Robert Clifford and the said Richmond departed 
from the said town of Malétroit in the marshal’s 
company. And by the way they conversed together 
on horseback with the said marshal about all the things 
which at the time they had to arrange with him on 
the part of the King our Sovereign Lord. And we 
went to sleep that night at a village called Tredion 
which belongs to the said marshal. And next day, 
which was the 25th day, I, Richmond, parted from 25 Sept. 
the said marshal and from Master Clifford and went 
to meet with the grand master, who was going to 
the Duchess, on the road to Rennes. And that night 
I went to sleep at Josselin. And there I waited the 
arrival of the said grand master, who arrived at Josselin 
on the 26th day of the said month, and there was met 26 Sept. 
by Master Robert Clifford and John le Prêtre, a servant 
and gentleman of the marshal, who were coming to him 
with à message from the said marshal. 

And next day, which was the 27th day, the said 27 Sept 
Grand Master set off for Rennes, and the said 
Mr. Robert and John le Prétre set off for the said mar- 
shal who had gone to Lower Britanny. And I, the said 
Richmond, rode with the said Grand Master on the 

BB 


that day to a village called Soreat,! which is ten leagues 


Richmond from Joslin and three leagues from Rennes; and we 


Grand 
Master 
arrive at 


21 Sept. 
and have 
andience 
of the 


Duchess, 


arrived that night at Rennes; and it was fully eight 
o’elock at night before we arrived at the town. And the 
gates were kept open till we had arrived in the said 
town. And we were met outside the gates by the 
Lord de la Roche and other lords of the town to the 
number of forty horse, 

On the 21st day* after dinner the chancellor of 
Britanny came for the said lord the 
and the other gentlemen in his company, and eon- 
ducted him before the Duchess to speak with her, 
And there the said Duchess was in her chamber, 
seated under a dark blue and tawny cloth of gold of state 
with the arms of Britanny sprinkled all 
the said cloth, and around the said arms 
of Saint Francis, all of gold thread. 
the said Grand Master paid his respects to her, 
gave her the recommendations of the King his Soye- 
reign Lord, and she embraced him and made him 
rise, And there were present the lord * *3 her 
uncle, and the chancellor, the old chancellor, the 
marshal of the empire called Pollain, at that time 
ambassador for the King of the Romans, and a com- 


ambassador for the Kings of Spain, and Master 
Thomas Balswell, doctor in laws, ambassador from 
the King our master, and several lords, knights, and 
esquires to a great number. And at that time the 
Duchess was dressed in a robe of woven cloth of 
gold, and round her waist was a chain of gold as 





3 Or Foreat? paragraph appear to be irrecon- 
* The dates in this and the next | cileable with the preceding ones, 
* Blank in orig. 


SECOND EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 387 


thick as a man’s little finger, and made in the shape A.D. 1490, 
of a cord of Saint Francis. And she wore on her neck 

a thin chain of gold, put on twenty or thirty times 

round. And so they conversed a long time. And 

after this the said lord the Grand Master took his 

leave and returned to his house, and was conducted to 

his said house by the Lord de la Roche and other 
gentlemen to the number of fifteen or sixteen horse. 
Next day, which was the 22d day, and was the day 22 Sept. 
of Saint Denis, the Duchess went to amuse herself in 

the fields on horseback, and took the said lord the 

Grand Master with her to amuse himself in the mea- 

dows outside of the gate. And they were there at 

their recreation about the space of two or three hours, 

and then returned. And the Grand Master conducted 

the duchess to her house and then returned to his own. 

And next day, which was the 23d day of the said 25 Sept 
month, the said lord the Grand Master had an in- 
terview with the chancellor of Britanny and other 
deputies to communicate with the said Grand Master 
on their business, And the said interview was at 
the Grey Friars of the said town, and there they im- 
mediately concluded their business. And after dinner 
that day the said Grand Master went to take his leave 
of the Duchess. And next day, which was the 24th 24 Sept. 
day, the said lord the Grand Master departed towards 
Carhaix again to pay his people their wages, and to 
order them how they should conduct themselves. And 
immediately after this was done the said Grand Master 
promised to the Duchess to return to the said town of 
Rennes to her. That same 24th day I, Richmond, Richmond 
took my leave of the said lord the Grand Master, and pv fr 
of the said chancellor of Britanny, to go to Nantes confer 
for some important matters which I had to transact mens 
with the seigneur d’Albret and others on the part of D'Albret; 
the King my master. And then the said chancellor 
of Britanny desired of me that I should not fail to 

BB 2 


388 MACHADO'S JOURNALS. 


AD. 1490, return to the Duchess, because she wished to write to 
the King my master by me. And I promised him to 
do so, And that night I went to sleep at Bain, which 
is six leagues from Rennes on the road to Nantes, And 
on the 25th day I arrived at Nantes. And there I 

Andre- remained till the last day of the said month, And I 

Dashes’ arrived again at Rennes, where the Duchess was, on 

10ct. the Ist day of October. I was with the Duchess till 
the 4th day of October, and on the 5th I left, and 
went to sleep that night at a village called * be 
And next day I went to sleep at Vannes, and there I 
remained for the space of three days. And on the 


remained for the space of three days. And on the 
14 Oct. 14th day of the said month of October J arrived at 
Lancarneau, where I found the marshal and the grand 


16 Oct. till the 16th day of the said month. And the same 
day I took my leave of my said lord the marshal, [and] 
of the grand master, who at that time and on the same 
day left that town, the said lord the marshal for 
Quimper Corentin, and the lord the grand master for 
Carhaix, and Sir Robert Clifford and I for Morlaix to 
take our passage for England. 

Presents Item, the gifts which were given me at that time 
Heating in honour of the King my master were as follows. 
First, from the Duchess 20 francs. Item from Madame 
de Laval 208. Item, from Seïüor Margarit ambassador 
for the Kings of Spain in the town of Nantes a robe 
and a doublet of black satin of a very fine black 
cloth at four crowns the ell, lined with a very fine 





Blank in original. 


SECOND EMBASSY TO BRITANNY. 389 


black damask, and reaching down to the middle of A.D. 1490. 
the leg. From the marshal a robe of black velvet furred 
with black (?)' and reaching to the ground. And 
from the grand master ten crowns of gold. And from 
Mr. Robert Clifford a handsome gilt war sword, for at 
the time he had nothing else to give me. And at that 
time we set out both together to go to England, and 
also a gentleman of the marshal, whose name was John 
le Prestre, and seigneur Duval, who had at the time 
been sent on an embassy to the King of England our 
master, And in the said town of Morlaix I waited for 
the space of * * * * * *, 


1 De bougs noirs in orig. 3 Here the narrative breaks off abruptly. 





APPENDIX. 











393 


APPENDIX A. 





MARGARET DUCHESS OF BURGUNDY’S APPEAL TO THE 
POPE IN BEHALF OF PERKIN WARBECK. 


(Ex Orig. inter Chart. Antiq. et Miscellan. in Bibliothec. Lambethan., 
vol, x1.] 


IN nomine Domini, Amen. Per hoc præsens pub- AD. 1495. 
licum instrumentum cunctis pateat...... lait notum 
quod [anno a'] Nativitate ejusdem Domini millesimo 
quadringentesimo nonagesimo quinto, indictione tertia- 
decima, mensis vero Maii, die octavo, hora ‘....... 
circiter, ante meridiem, pontificatus Sanctissimi in 
Christo patris et domini nostri, domini Alexandri di- 
vina providentia Papæ Sexti anno tertio, me, notario 
et ........ infrascriptis, præsentibus atque rogatis, 
nobilis et spectabilis vir dominus Valasius Lusitaniæ 
Scutifer, Colimbriensis dicecesis, procurator et....... 
illustrissimæ et clarissimæ dominæ Margarete: de Anglia 
relictæ quondam inclytæ memorize domini Caroli Burgun- 
diæ, Barbantiæ, Henbrigiæ, Lauenburgiæ, et Gueldriæ, etc. 
ducis, comitis Flandris, Hollandiæ, Zelandiæ, Hannonie, 
Bierg’ etc.,domini Frisiæ, Salinarum, et Melchlinis, habens 
et suis manibus .... quamdam provocationis appella- 
tionis ac apostolorum petitionis papyri cedulam cum non- 
nullis gravaminibus inibi, ut asseruit, descriptis; ad 
sanctissimum in Christo patrem dominum nostrum domi- 
num Alexandrum, divina providentia papam modernum 
ejusque sanctam sedem apostolicam, ac illum vel illos, 


The dotted lines and words within brackets indicate passages illegible 
in the original. 


394 APPENDIX A. 


A.D. 1495.ad quem vel ad quos de jure vel consuetudine pro- 
vocare et appellare liceat, provocavit et appellavit, 
sibique apostolos tales quales de jure habere possit et 
debeat...... et concedi ac de illis a me notario 
infrascripto instanter, instantius, et instantissime testi- 
monialibus responderi, petiit et postulavit, aliasque egit 
et fecit prout et quemadmodum in dicta papyri cedula, 
cujus tenor inferius est insertus, latius continetur et 
habetur. De et super quibus omnibus et singulis pre- 
missis dictus dominus Velasius procurator sibi nomine 
quo supra a me notario publico infrascripto fieri petit, 

_ confici atque tradi, unum vel plura, publicum seu 
publica, instrumentum et instrumenta. Acta fuerunt 
hæc in domo inhabitationis venerabilis viri domini 
Nicolai Hellis, sacræ theologiæ magistri, sita Lovanii, 
in vico Fratrum Predicatorum, anno, indictione, die, 
mense, hora, et pontificatu quibus supra, preesentibus 
ibidem nobili et magnifico domino Petro de Lannoy, 
domino temporali de Fresnoy, equite, Aurei Velleris 
confratre et consorte, ac venerabilibus et egregiis 





dominis..... Fransoys, ordinis Prædicatorum Sancti 
Dominici, dicto Nicolao Hellis, Adriano Florentii 
ecclesiæ collegiatæ Sancti Petri Lovaniensi...... oe 


professoribus ac magistris, et Johanne Daet, licentiato in 
sacra theologia, Tornacensi, Leodiensi, et Cameracensi 
dicecesibus, testibus ad præmissa vocatis specialiter 
atque rogatis. 

Tenor vero provocationis appellationis ac apostolorum 
petitionis papyri cedulæ, unde supra fit mentio, sequitur 
et est talis. 

Sicut judicium humanum nonnunquam opinioni 
innititur, quam fallere contingit et falli, judicium vero 
divinum veri facti que nec fallit nec falla[tur] .... 
interdum quod etiam sanctissimus dominus noster papa, 
licet locum Dei in terris teneat, cum tamen divinare non 
possit et homo humano more opinione et facti errore 
etiam falli possit et decipi; unde si que falsa verbi 


THE DUCHESS OF BURGUNDYS APPEAL 395 


insinuatione suggesta sint, qui vicarius veritatis est ad 4 D. 1495. 
statum pristinum revocaret, et irrita, nulla, et invalida 
fuisse, decernere et declarare, dum casus exigit, non 
erubescit, et ad semitas reducere veritatis. Hinc est 
quod ego, Valasius Lusitanus, procurator, et eo nomine 
illustrissimes et clarissimæ dominz Margarete: de Anglia, 
relictæ quondam inclytæ memories Karoli Burgundiæ, 
Lotharingiæ Brabantiæ, Limburgiæ, et Guelriæ ducis, ete, 
comitis Flandriæ, Zeelandiæ, Hannoniæ, Burgundiæ, etc. 
domini Frisis, Salinarum, et Melcliniæ, animo et inten- 
tione provocandi et appellandi...... his scriptis et 
propono, quod licet rerum dominia, imperia quoque, 
regna, provinciæ, civitates, castra, et loca, per quem- 
cunque, de cujus jure aut sufficiente titulo non constet, 
absque manifesta nota tyrannidis invadi aut occupari 
minime possint seu debeant, nec hujusmodi occupatoribus 
seu invasoribus in præjudicium hæredum, eis ipsis non 
auditis aut vocatis, auctoritas seu favor cujuslibet legis 
opere ministrari, quinimo propter animarum et sanguinis 
exinde verisimiliter et multipliciter formidata pericula 
ante omnia provideri ut jus suum cuilibet servetur 
illæsum, bella et desolationes præcaveantur, et ne quis 
in alieno reghet regno, sed populus fidelis verum suum 
regem agnoscat, illique subditus sit, et ab eo pacifice 
gubernetur et defendatur; fueritque sic etiam ab olim 
in nobili regno Anglise, exceptis nonnullis perturba- 
tionibus inibi motis et suscitatis, observatum: Nemo 
etiam merito debeat a sui juris prosecutione seu re- 
cuperatione, aut favore, auxilio, et assistentia, quæ 
pietatis actus sunt, suis parentibus, proximis cognatis, 
consanguineis et amicis præbendo et præstando ulla- 
tenus repelli aut prohiberi Nihilominus tamen, qui- 
dam Henricus Aubam ! dictus de Richemunda ex domo 
de Sombreset, arbitratus forte regnandi causa jus vio- 


1 Sic in Orig. 





indubitanter et de jure pertinere, eidemque delatum 
esse; ad omnes tamen discordias et dissensiones que 
olim inter illustres Eboracensem et Lancastriss domos 
viguerant tollendas et imperpetuum abolendas, ac pro 
firma et perpetua pace in eodem regno observanda, ad 
præcipuam et specialem trium statuum dicti regni re- 
quisitionem assenserit Elizabetham principem Eduardi 
regis primogenitam et veram hæredem ducere habereque 
uxorem, et super impedimentis inter eos extantibus 

, legitimamque liberorum successionem, et 
etiam declarationem, pronunciationem, et decretum per- 





' Parchment gonc. 


THE DUCHESS OF BURGUNDY’S APPEAL. 397 


lamenti, tam super titulo regni quam supra successionem A.D. 1495. 
liberorum hujusmodi ejusdem Henrici, quos, dicta 
Elizabeth defuncta, ex alia conjuge forte procrearet ; 
necnon omnibus et singulis dicti regni incolis et ejusdem 
Henrici prætensis subditis, cujuscumque status, gradus, 
seu conditionis existant, etiamsi ducali vel majori 
dignitate preefulgeant, sub excommunicationis et majoris 
anathematis poena quam omnes et singuli contra- 
venientes eo ipso incurrerent, ne ipsi aut aliquis eorum 
novos tumultus occasione juris succedendi, quovis quæ- 
sito colore aut quacumque alia causa, in eodem regno, 
per se vel alium seu alios, movere seu moveri facere, 
dispensationi, declarationi, et decreto hujusmodi aut paci 
tranquillitative ipsius Angliæ regni contraveniendo 
quovismodo præsumant inhiberi. Et preedicta omnia per 
Alexandrum Papam modernum, licet nulliter et de facto 
dicitur obtinuisse, his quorum interest minime ad hæc 
vocatis seu auditis, ac non obstante quod supersit in 
humanis illustrissimus dominus Ricardus, dicti quondam 
Eduardi regis, legitimus filius et regni paterni successor 
et hæres, quodque non possit aut debeat juxta regni leges 
et consuetudines observatas extante filio seu fratris filio, 
filia quovismodo succedere, quodque etiam ubi sceptrum 
ab Eboracensi familia deficeret (quod absit), sint in 
Lancastrensi domo Henrico illi longe proximiores, et qui 
ex his genitoribus, unde sibi jus alius competeret, legi- 
time, non ex damnato coitu, descenderunt ; ita ut in 
hoc regno, cujus non populi voto aut electione sed san- 
guinis propagatione, nec jure belli (quod sibimet ad- 
versus suum dominum et regni hæredem decernere ipse 
Henricus nullatenus potuit) rex dinoscitur constitui, 
nihil juris sibi valeat prætendere ; qua etiam consci- 
entia verisimiliter motus, licet ex matrimonio memo- 
rato regnum perpetuo pacatum iri allegaverit, male 
sibi fidens, censuris ecclesiasticis, justos in se maris! 


1 The word titulos appears here to be omitted. 


398 APPENDIX A. 


A.D. 1495. retinendi, quantum in eo fuit, obtinuit. Quæ quidem 
omnia et singula cum plerisque aliis in deductione causæ 
latius exprimendis, si preefatis summis pontificibus ex- 
pressa fuissent aut minus vere non suggesta, procul 
dubio nullatenus concessissent aut confirmassent concessa, 
quinimo dictum dominum illustrissimum Ricardum, Ed- 
uardi regis filium, in suum regnum restitui et in illius 
possessionem intronisari mandassent, nec debitos sub- 
ditorum procerum et aliorum favores suo domino parenti 
et cognato exhiberi vetuissent, Joadæ magni sacerdotis 
exemplum sicuti, qui Joas regem cruentis aviæ manibus 
ereptum et clam apud amitam alitum in regnum patris 
restituit et seditiosæ feminæ crudele propositum juste 
nece prævenit. Sentiens igitur, ego, Valasius Lusitanus 
procurator prædictus dictam dominam meam illustris- 
simam, illustrissimumque dominum Ricardum, quondam 
regis, sui fratris filium, cum universa inclytæ domus Ebo- 
racencis familia et successoribus sibique adhærentes et 
adhæsuros ex præmissis et aliis ex his colligibilibus, ac 
inde secutis et secuturis, cum suis emergentibus, depen- 
dentibus, et connexis suis loco et tempore deducendis, ac 
se, in eo præsertim quod dictus Henricus in suis opinione 
et errore in dies magis ac pertinacius persistat, et quod 
ipsa cum suis adhærentibus suo nepoti auxilium, consi- 
lium, vel favorem præstare contra nature necessitu- 
dinem videatur prohiberi, multipliciter fore ...... 
ee ee sciens tamen bonarum mentium esse ibi 
culpam timere ubi culpa minune reperitur, ab omnibus et 
singulis dictis . . . . literis apostolicis earumque decretis 
et in els contentis censuris, illarumque totis tenoribus, 
dore insinuationibus, executionibus 
earum omnitun nullitate, salvis contra et adversum 
dictum Henricum de Sombreset, regni detentorem, 
suosque adhærentes et adhæsuros, inhærentibus, prioribus 
appellationibus pro parte dictæ dominæ illustrissimæ 
rss ad sanctissimum dominum nostrum sanus 
consulen’, sanctamque sedem apostolican in his 
scriptis provoco et appello, apostolosque peto et 


THE DUCHESS OF BURGUNDYS APPEAL 399 


repeto, instanter, instantius, et instantissime, mihi A.D. 1495. 
dari, si quis hic sit qui eos mihi dare possit et 

velit, saltem a vobis notario publico testimoniales 
subjunctas dictam dominam meam sibique adhærentes 

et adhæsuros præfatos, ac me protectioni, defensioni, et 

tuitioni ejusdem Domini nostri ac Sanctæ Sedis præ- 

tactæ, ac protestans de hac mea appellatione intimanda, 
insinuanda, ac prosequenda loco et tempore opportunis, 
ss... corrigendi, reformandi, minuendi, et addendi 
beneficio semper salvis. 

Et ego, Ludovicus de Viridivalle, clericus Leo- 
diensis dicecesis, publicus apostolica et impe- 
riali auctoritatibus notarius, quia appellationi, 
provocationi, et apostolorum petitioni, omni- 
busque aliis et singulis, dum sicut præmit- 
titur agerentur et fierent, unacum prænominatis 
testibus præsens interfui, eaque sic fieri vidi 
et audivi; Idcirco hoc præsens publicum in- 
strumentum manu alterius fideliter scriptum, 
exinde confeci et in hanc publicam formam 
redegi, signoque et nomine meis solitis et 
consuetis signavi et subscripsi in fidem et 
testimonium omnium et singulorum præmis- 
sorum, rogatus et requisitus. 


Auscultata et collationata est præsens copia per me, 
Danielem Riche, publicum sacra apostolica et imperiali 
auctoritatibus notarium. Et concordat cum vero appel- 
lationis instrumento de verbo ad verbum, quod attestor 
manu propria. 


Endorsed in a contemporary hand. Appellatio, pro- 
vocatio, sive apostolorum petitio, illustrissimæ dominæ 
Margarete de Anglia, relictæ quondam domini Caroli 
Burgundiæ, Lucemburgi, Gueldriæ, etc. 





s  mejor i adelante, que 
gran dafio trahe a la negociacion, en demas en esta 
concurrencia, no ser avisados de continuo del successo 
de las cosas. 

Mi veinda aqui, como vedes, ha sido por trahera em- 
barcar en el armada la Ilustrissima Archiduquesa, mi 
fija, en que se ha dado tanta diligencia que al screvir 
de la presente, ella es ya embarcada, y la armada sta 
para fazer vela. Speramos, en nuestro Sefior, que con su 
ayuda presto seran en Flandes. E por que podria ser, 
que por tiempo contrario, la dicha armada arrivasse en 
algun o plaia desse Reyno, acordé de screvir al 
Rey de Inglaterra, la che sera con la presente traslado, 
de la qual vos embio. Dad zelo, y ved que querra proveer 
sobrello ; y viendo que, con buena voluntad, lo faze como 
se cree que lo fara, procurareys que no solo para en 








SPANISH DESPATCHES. 401 


esta ida a Flandes, aportando en su Reyno la dicha A.D.1496? 


armada, mas ahun para en la buena con la illustrissima 
princessa, nuestra fija, dende agora lo mande proveer 
con el cumplumiento, que de él spero que lo ha dé fazer. 
Y¥ de lo que enello se feziere por este correo, levador de 
la presente, me dad aviso, el qual correo va en este 
navio que para llevaros este emboltorio he mandado 
fletar ; y sperara al correo, fasta que vuelva despachado 
de vos. Luego dad forma en lo despachar con la respuesta 
a todo lo que se vos scrive, por que no se detenga 
mas del tiempo que havres menester para me responder. 

Este dia me scrivié Don Pedro de Ayala; el qual y 
el embaxador de Scocia stavan para se embarcar, 
faziendo me saber como el dicho embaxador stava en 
mucho temor de dar en manos de Ingleses en este su 
viage y vuelta a Scocia; y para su seguridad me sup- 
plicava que en alguna mi carta yo lo nombrasse mi 
embaxador ; ya! esta causa mandé fazer una carta de 
creencia, para el Rey de Inglaterra, en persona del 
dicho Don Pedro e suya, nombrandolos por mis em- 
baxadores ; mas screvi a Don Pedro que fuessen passados, 
rasgasse la dicha mi carta. Acorde de fazeros lo saber 
porque si la veys, sepays la causa porque se fizo. Fecha 
en Laredo a xvi dias de Agosto D. y. vi * aiios. 

Yo la Reyna. 
Por mandado de la Reyna, 
JOAN DE COLONIA. 
Al Dotor de la Puebla, su embaxador y del su con- 


seo. 


to be married to the Archduke 
? This date is clearly an error of | Philip, and unless the month as well 

the transcriber. Isabella died in ! as the year be wrong, this letter 

1504. Her daughter Joan left Spain | must refer to that embarkation. 

for the Netherlands in August 1496 


' Sic, qu. para ? 





co 


AD, 1496? 


402 APPENDIX B. 


(Translation.) 


The Queen. 

Doctor de la Puebla, my ambassador, when your last 
letters of the thirteenth of June were given me, I had 
commanded you to write, expressing my surprise that 
we should have received neither letters nor advices 
from you during so long a time. Strive to arrange 
better from henceforth, as grave inconvenience results to 
business, especially in this conjuncture, not being advised 
constantly of the progress of matters. 

My coming here, as you perceive, has been by trans- 
port, to embark the most illustrious archduchess my 
daughter on board the fleet, for which there has been 
employed such diligence, that at writing of this present, 
she is already embarked, and the fleet is on the point of 
making sail. We hope in our Lord that with his help 
speedily they will be in Flanders. And because it may 
chance that through unfavorable weather the aforesaid 
fleet shall arrive in some port or bay of that kingdom, 
I am minded to write to the king of England, which 
will be carried with this present, by which I send to 
you. Be zealous and see that he be inclined to provide 
thereupon ; and on seeing that he does so with good will, 
as it is thought he will do, you will endeavour not 
only in this departure to Flanders, [in the event of] the 
said fleet taking harbour in his kingdom, but likewise 
in regard to the fortune with the most illustrious 
princess our daughter, so that from this time he may 
give orders to provide it with what is needed, which 
I expect that he will do. And touching what he 
may do therein send me advices by the messenger, 
bearer of this present, which messenger goes by the ship 
I have ordered to be fitted out in order to send you 
the enclosed; and it will wait for the messenger until 
he return despatched by you. In despatching him with 
the answer, give substantive reply to all that which has 


SPANISH DESPATCHES. 403 


been written to you, so that he be detained no longer A D.1496? 
than you require in answering me. 

This day Don Pedro de Ayala has written to me, 
who together with the ambassador of Scotland was 
on the point of taking shipment; and he makes me 
aware how the said ambassador was in great fear of 
falling into the hands of the English during this his 
voyage and return from Scotland ; and for his security 
he has besought me that in a despatch of mine I should 
name him my ambassador. I, on this account, have 
issued instructions to prepare a letter credential for the 
king of England on behalf of the said Don Pedro 
and him, appointing them for my ambassadors; but I 
have written to Don Pedro that should they have passed, 
he might tear up my letter aforesaid. I am minded to 
let you know thereof, because if you see it, you will 
know for what cause it was done. Dated in Laredo, 
the sixteenth day of August D.vi. [14967] 

I the Queen. 
By order of the Queen. 
JOAN DE COLONIA. 

To Doctor de la Puebla, her ambassador, and of her 

council 


II. FERDINAND AND ISABELLA TO DE LA PUEBLA. AD. 1501. 
[MS. Vitellius, C. xi. £ 47.] 


El Rey e la Reyna. 

Dotor de la Puebla del nuestro consejo y nuestro 
embaxador, ya sabeys como, entre las cosas que estan 
assentadas entre nos y el Rey de Inglaterra nuestro 
hermano, es que dentro de doze dias despues que 
(plaziendo a nuestro Sefior) ser4 desembarcada en esse 
Reyno la princessa de Gales, nuestra fija, se han de 
celebrar las bodas y consumar el matrimonio entre 

cc 2 


404 APPENDIX B 


A.D. 1501. ella y el principe de Gales nuestro fijo. Item, que 
dentro de diez dias antes o despues de solemnizado el 
matrimonio, ha de ser dotada la dicha princessa, nuestra 
fija, por el Rey de Inglaterra, nuestro hermano, y por 
el principe de Gales nuestro fijo, en tercera parte del 
principado de Gales y del ducado de Cornvalla y del 


de la tercera parte de las rentas de todo ello. Tened 
manera como estas dos cosas se cumplan para el 
tiempo que est& assentado; y pues sabeys lo que os 
havemos escritto sobresta tercera parte y lo que en la 


mera paga del dote llevan los dichos nuestros embaxa- 
dores para les dar a quien el dicho Rey, nuestro 
hermano, les dixere. Mirad que la carta de pago que 
dellos nos daran y el principe de Gales, nuestro fijo, 
tenga como es menester. 

Ya sabeys como est& assentado que las joyas y 
oro y plata que Ileva la dicha princessa de Gales, 
nuestra fija (hasta valor de veynte mil escudos en joyas 
y quinze mil escudos en oro y plata) han de ser 
recebidos en cuenta y parte de paga del dote en la 
postrimera paga; y como quiero que quisieramos que se 
recibieran en cuenta en esta primera paga o en la 
segunda. Pero pues 4 vos, no os pareci6, que se deviesse 
esto pedir, procurad que se pongan personas conforme 
a lo assentado que con juramento aprecien las dichas 
joyas y pessen y precien el oro y plata en la presencia 
de Joan de Diero, camarero de la dicha princessa de 
Gales, nuestra fija, que lo lleva y ha de tener todo por 
ella; y enbiad nos de todo ello carta de pago del dicho 
Rey de Inglaterra y principe de Gales, nuestro fijo, en 
que otorguen haverlo recebido en pago del dicho dote, 
para en cuenta de la postrimera paga, 


SPANISH DESPATCHES, 405 


Ya os havemos escrito las personas que van para A.D. 1501. 
quedar alla: y demas de aquellas va Pero Manrique 
marido de la noble dueña que va por dama de honor 
de la .princessa de Gales nuestra fija. Dentro desta va 
hun memoriall de las dichas personas por el qual vereys 
el officio que cada uno lleva, para que lo hazeys saber 
al dicho Rey, nuestro hermano, y al principe de Gales, 
nuestro fijo. Procurad que en lo de los salarios se haga 
bien con ellos de manera que se puedan bien mantener 
con ellos; y haveos en todo ello con la diligencia y 
buena manera y recaudo; que de vos confiamos, traba- 
Jando que todo se haga como cumple a la princessa de 
Gales, nuestra fija, pues con esto acabays del todo y 
days buena fin y conclusion a todo lo que toca a este 
negocio y es cosa en que nos servireys mucho. De 
Granada, & xxix dias de Mayo de mil quiniento y 
hun años. 

Yo el Rey. E la Reyna. 
Por mandado del Rey. E la Reyna, 
MIGUEL PEREZ D'ALMACAN. 


(Translation.) 


The King and the Queen. 


Doctor de la Puebla, of our council and our ambas- 
sador, as you already know, among the points agreed 
on between us and the king of England our brother, is 
(the following), that within twelve days after the 
princess of Wales, our daughter, shall (if the Lord 
so will) have landed in that kingdom the espousals 
are to be celebrated and the marriage concluded 
between her and the prince of Wales, our son. Likewise, 
that within ten days before or after the solemnization 
of such marriage, the princess aforesaid, our daughter, 
has to receive in dowry from the king of England, 


406 APPENDIX B, 


A.D, 1501 our brother, and the prince of Wales, our son, a third 
paré of the principality of Wales and of the duchy of 
Cornwall and of the county of Chester, giving her in 
good townships and lordships the third part of the 
rents of the whole. Act in such wise that these two 
matters be accomplished according to time and 
ditions established. And since you know what 
have written touching this third part, and what was 
in the first negotiation agreed upon, endeavour to the 
utmost of your power that this be done as is 


J 


to them. Take heed that the letter of payment of the 
same be given to us, and let the prince of Wales hold 
it as is needful. 

You already know how it has been settled that 
the jewels and gold and silver which our daughter, 
the princess of Wales aforesaid, takes with her, to the 
value of twenty thousand crowns in jewels and fifteen 
thousand crowns in gold and silver, are to be received 
on account, and as part payment of dowry in first 
instalment ; and we still do wish them to be received 
on account in this first payment or in the second. Yet 
as it does not appear to you that this should be asked 
by you, endeavour to get some persons nominated, who, 
in accordance with the terms of agreement may, under 
oath, estimate the said jewels, and weigh and value the 
gold and silver, in presence of Joan de Diero, chamber- 
Jain of the princess of Wales, our daughter aforesaid, 
who accompanies and takes charge of everything for her, 
and send us for the whole, receipts from said king of 
England and the prince of Wales, our son, whereby they 
acknowledge to have received the same in payment of 
the dowry aforesaid on account of last instalment. 


SPANISH DESPATCHES. 407 


Already we have written to you about the persons A.D. 1501. 
who are going thither to remain: and besides these, 
there will be Pero Manrique, husband of the noble 
dame who goes as lady of honor to the princess 
of Wales, our daughter. Transmitted herewith is a 
list of said persons, wherefrom you will see the 
office which each one fills, in order to convey intimation 
thereof to the king our brother aforesaid, and to the 
prince of Wales our son. Touching the matter of 
remuneration, endeavour that they treat them well, 
in such wise that they may be enabled to maintain 
themselves in comfort; and in all this business act 
with diligence and caution; since we confide wholly 
in you, strive that all be done as beseems the princess 
of Wales, our daughter, since hereby you accomplish 
and give good issue and conclusion to all whatsoever 
pertains to this transaction ; and this is a matter wherein 
you will render us great service. From Granada, on 
the 29th day of May, 1501. 

I the King. And the Queen. sO 
By order of the King and the Queen. 
MIGUEL PEREZ D’ALMACAN. 


III. FERDINAND AND ISABELLA to DE LA PUEBLA. A.D. 1502. 
(MS. Vitellius, C, xi. f. 49.] 


El Rey e la Reyna. 

Doctor de la Puebla, del nuestro consejo, embaxador 
en Inglaterra, vimos vuestras letras en que nos fecistes 
saver la llegada a esse Reyno de la illustrissima 
princessa de Gales, nuestra fija; de que abimus ! mucho 


1 Sic, qu. habimos ? 





Yo el Rey. E la Reyna. 
Por mandado del Rey. E la Reyna. 

Miauet Peres D’ALMAcAN? 

Al doctor De la Puebla, su embaxador en Inglaterra, 
y del su consejo. 

(Translation.) 
The King and the Queen. 
Doctor de la Puebla, of our council, ambassador 
in England, we have seen your letters wherein you 





‘eu in MS. | 7 Delamaca in MS. 





SPANISH DESPATCHES. - 409 


make us acquainted with the arrival in that kingdom A.D. 1502. 
of the most illustrious princess of Wales, our daughter, 
whence we derived much satisfaction, because here 
they told us such news of her journey that we 
were in great anxiety to know about her. Our Lord 
be thanked that it hath pleased him to guide her in 
perfect safety to that kingdom And because we 
desire to know of her coming to the king and queen 
of England, our brothers, and the prince of Wales 
our son, and all those things which thereafter may have 
come to pass, we charge you to let us know the same 
forthwith, with minutest details They have reported 
to us that it is thought the king of England our brother 
is not willing to consent that Pero Manrique, the hus- 
band of Dota Elvira Manuell, should hold over there 
the same functions which he discharged here, [as] grand 
steward and chamberlain of the princess aforesaid, 
our daughter; and in this matter if they should so 
’ act, both he and the said Doïa Elvira would receive 
humiliation and exceeding affront thereby. If such 
matter should come to your knowledge, pray on our part 
the king of England, our brother, that he consent not 
that the said Pero Manrique be subjected to any 
humiliation or affront of any kind, and that he may 
think it prudent that he retain the functions afore- 
said. If you are not able to accomplish this, then 
act according to the manner which Doia Elvira will 
intimate. From Seville, the sixth day of January, 
fifteen hundred and two. 
I the King. And the Queen. 
By order of the King and the Queen. 
MICHAEL PEREZ D’ ALMACAN. 


To Dr. De la Puebla, their ambassador in England, 
and of their Council. 


410 APPENDIX B, 


AD, 1602. TV, FERDINAND AND IsABELLA 10 DE LA PUEBLA, 
(MS. Vitellius, C. xi. £ 48] 
El Rey e la Reyna. 

Dotor de la Puebla, nuestro embaxador, y del nuestro 
consejo, despues de escritas las otras que van con esta 
recebimos vuestras letras de... . deste marco, y las 
del Rey de Inglaterra, nuestro hermano, que con ellas 
enbiastes; y porque por las otras esté respondido y 
proveydo a lo mas de lo que vos escrivijo y vos nos 
escrevistes, aqui no queda que dezir sino que digays 
al Rey de Inglaterra, nuestro hermano, que como quiera 
que pero ya haviamos escrito a Don Joan Manuel, 
nuestro embaxador, que esté con el Rey de Romanos 
sobre lo del Condé de Sofolque lo que vos nos haviados 
escrito, pero que viendo! lo que agora escrevistes a Ia 
misma hora, havemos despachado correo bolande a 
Alemaña, al dicho nuestro enbaxador, y le havemos 
escrito mucho mas emargadamente para que procure 
con el Rey de los Romanos con mucho ahyneo y dili- 
gencia y como negocio nuestro proprio, que no consienta 
que el dicho condé este en sus terras, ni le de fayor 
ni dinero en ninguna manera; o que lo enbie al Rey 
de Inglaterra, nuestro hermano, para que lo pida 
perdon y vuelva asu obediencia y servicio, diziendole 
que en este caso volviendo por medio e intercession del 
Rey de los Romanos, el dicho Rey de Inglaterra, nuestro 
hermano, le perdonara. Y dezid a el Rey de Inglaterra, 
nuestro hermano, que os diga si quiere que procuremos, 
o hagamos sobrello otra cosa, que nos lo haremos de 
muy buena voluntad, como si el negocio fuesse nuestro 
proprio, que por tal lo tenemos. 

A lo que desis de la decima y cruzada, que se cose en 
esse Reyno para la impresa contra del Turco, enemigo de 





1 vreindo, MS. 


- SPANISH DESPATCHES. 411 


nuestra fe, dezid al Rey, nuestro hermano, que visto el A.D. 1502 
estado en que el negocio est4, y la necessidad que hay de 
prevenir y remediar el peligro en que el Turco ha puesto y 
pone muchas tierras da la Cristianidad, que lo mejor seria 
que todas las armadas que los principes Cristianos huviere- 
mos de enbiar para ello, estuviessen debaxo un capitan, 
porque assi aprovecharian mas; y que pues el cardenal 
y maestro de Rodas es Legado de la yglesia para aquella 
impresa, y es hombre de tanta experiencia y esfuerzo, 
y que tanto sabe en las cosas del Turco, y con tanta 
gana y voluntad quiere poner en ella su persona y todo 
lo de su orden, nos parece que a él dovriamos enbiar 
todas las armadas, para que desde alli con ellas y con 
la de la religion él guje este santo negocio y faga enello 
lo que mejor le pareciere. Y paraque el dinero de la 
dicha decima y cruzada que se cose en esse Reyno 
aproveche para esto, lo mejor seria que mandasse fazer 
con ello armada de mar, en esse su Reyno, para enbiarla 
a la dicha empresa, que si menester, fuere alayda y a 
la buelta, podra acotarse en nuestros puertos de Sicilia 
y Calabria y Apulla, y proveerse alli de mantenimiento. 
Y si, por ser lexos, parece que sera mejor enbiar el 
armada a Genova, donde hallara carracas, o enbiar con 
el prior de San Joan de Inglaterra, o con otra per- 
sona de mucha confianza el dicho dinero 4 Rodas, 
para que alli se gaste en armada para la dicha 
empressa, esto podra el mandar proveer como 4 él mas 
le plugniere, y mejor le pareciere; porque si assi, no si 
fiziesse, y lo enbiasse al papa, cierto es que gastaria en 
otra cosa, y no en la dicha empressa. Y dezid al dicho 
Rey, nuestro’ hermano, que ahunque el afio passado y 
este havemos tenido mucho gasto en el armada de 
mar, havemos mandado agora de nuevo fazer una armada 
de mar, y esta ya fecha y presta en los nuestros puertos 





4 Rey, nuestro,] Reyno, MS. 


412 APPENDIX B. 


A.D. 1502, de la Apulla, para socorrer y ayudar a la defension de 
la Cristianidad ; y por estar agora en camino, y porque 
presto, plaziendo a nuestro Señor, despacheremos otro 
correo con el qual vos responderemos a las otras cosas. 
No dezimos aqui, mas sino que siempre nos hagays 
saber las cosas de alla. De Talavera, 4 xix dias del 
mes de Abril de quinjentos y dos aiios. 

Yo el Rey. Y la Reyna. 
Por mandado del Rey. E la Reyna. 
Micvet PEREZ D’ALMACAN. 





(Translation) 


The King and Queen. 

Doctor de la Puebla, our ambassador and of our 
council, after the other despatches which accompany this 
present were written, we received your letters of . . 
of that purport, and those of the king of England, our 
brother which you transmitted therewith; and because 
in previous (letters) the greater part of what I had 
written to you about, and respecting which you had 
written us, had been answered and provided for, there 
remains now nothing to say save that you tell the king 
of England our brother, that even according to the desire 
which he intimated, we have already written to Don 
Juan Manuel our ambassador who is with the king of 
the Romans, what we had written to you touching the 
affair of the earl of Suffolk, but on learning what you 
have now written, on the very instant have despatched 
post haste to Germany instructions to our ambassador 
aforesaid, and have written much more urgently in 
order that he obtain from the king of the Romans, with 
much earnestness and diligence, and as a matter directly 
concerning ourselves, that he do no longer permit the 
said earl to remain within his territory, nor confer upon 


SPANISH DESPATCHES. 413 


him favor or money in anywise ; or else that he send A.D. 1502. 
him to the king of England our brother, in order that 
he crave forgiveness and return to his allegiance and 
duty, representing that in case of his so returning through 
the intervention or intercession of the king of the 
Romans, tlie said king of England our brother will par- 
don him. And say to the king of England our brother 
to intimate that if he desire us to undertake or do 
in this business anything beyond what we have done 
we will do it with as much good will, as though it 
were a matter concerning ourselves, in which light we 
regard it. 

Regarding what you tell us about the tenth and 
crusade-money, which is being levied in that kingdom 
to maintain the expedition against the Turk, the enemy 
of our faith, tell the king our brother that, taking into 
consideration the point at which the matter has arrived, 
and the necessity of forestalling and remedying the 
danger in which the Turk has placed and holds many 
lands of Christendom, the best thing would be that all 
the flotillas which we Christian princes shall join in col- 
lecting with intent to send them thither, should be under 
command of one captain, because thus they would prove 
of greater avail; and that as the cardinal and master 
[of] Rhodes is legate of the church for the enterprise 
[in question], and is a man of such great experience 
and so thoroughly acquainted with all matters relating 
to the Turk, and with so much devotedness and good 
will, is ready to risk both his person and the wealth 
of all his order, it appears to us that to him we should 
consign all these flotillas,in order that with their help 
and that of Heaven he may conduct this holy 
design, and may accomplish therein what may to him 
seem most fitted. And in order that the money from 
said tenth and crusade-tax now being levied in that 
realm may prove of most avail for that purpose, it would 
be best that orders should be given that with the 





and on account of our now being on 2 journey that 
we shall speedily, our Lord so willing, despatch another 
courier, by whom we shall give answer to the other 
matters. We do not say anything more here save that 
you [should] always acquaint us with [the state of] 
matters over there. From Talavera on the nineteenth 

day of the month of April fifteen hundred and two. 

I the King. And the Queen. 
By order of the King. And the Queen. 
MicHaeL Perez D’ALMACAN, 





SPANISH DESPATCHES. 415 


V. FERDINAND THE CATHOLIC TO HENRY VII. 
[MS. Vespasian, C. xii. f. 233, Orig.] 

Muy esclarecido Rey, nuestro muy caro y muy 
amado hermano, Nos el Rey de Aragon, de las dos 
Sicilias, &c, Administrador y Governador de los 
Reynos de Castilla, de Leon, y de Granada, &c., por la 
Serenissima Reyna, Doiia Juana, nuestra muy cara y 
muy amada fija, Vos embiamos mucho a saludar 
como aquel que mucho amamos y preciamos, y para 
quien querriamos que Dios diesse tanta vida, salud, y 
honrra quanta vos mismo desseays. Oy dia de la 
fecha desta, ha plazido a nuestro Señor llevar, para si, 
a la Serenissima Reyna Doiia Isabel, nuestra muy cara 
y muy amada muger. Y ahunque su muerte es para 
nos el mayor trabajo que en esta vida nos podia venir, 
‘por que perdimos la mayor y mas excelente muger 
que nunca Rey tuvo. Y por una parte el dolor de ella 
nos atraviesa las entraïñas; y no dudamos que vos, 
como hermano, a quien ella tanto quiso y nos tanto 
amamos, sentireys la perdida de su real persona y 
nuestro trabajo. Pero por otra parte, viendo que ella 
murié tam santa y catholicamente como bivié, de que 
es de esperar que nuestro Seïor la tiene en su gloria, 
que es mejor y mas perpetuo Reyno que los que aqua 
tenia, esto nos da mucha consolacion. Y pues a nuestro 
Sefior assi le plugo, conformamonos con su voluntad y 
damosle gracias por todo lo que faze, como es razon. 
La dicha Serenissima Reyna, nuestra muger, que santa 
gloria haya, dexo ordenado por su testamento que 
fuessemos nos administrador y governador destos 
Reynos de Castilla, de Leon, y de Granada, &c, como 
lo somos por la Serenissima Reyna Doïa Juana, nues- 
tra fija. Y porque de los negocios escrevimos al Doctor 
de la Puebla, nuestro embaxador, que con vos esta ; 
afectuosamente vos rogamos le dedes entera fe y 
creencia. Muy esclarescido Rey, nuestro muy caro y 


A.D. 1504. 





"° 7 ] +. », oe 


-" + ¥ 


st a 


"ho poy 


oY 


) 
? 


as 
a 


> * 


ÿ 


416 APPENDIX B. 


A.D. 1504. muy amado hermano, nuestro Sefior, todos tiempos, vos 


haya en su especial guarda y recomienda. De la villa 
de Medina del Campo, a xxvi dias del mes de 
Noviembre de mil y quinientos y quatro. 
Yo el Rey. 
ALMACAN, SECT!, 
Al Muy esclarecido Rey de Inglaterra, nuestro muy 
caro y muy amado hermano. 





_ (Translation.) 

Most illustrious king, our most dearly beloved bro- 
ther, We, the King of Aragon, of the Two Sicilies, 
&c., Administrator and Governor of the kingdoms of 
Castile, of Leon, and of Granada, &c.,, for the most 
Serene Queen, Dofia Juana, our very dear and very 
beloved daughter, send to salute you most cordially | 
as one whom we love and esteem very highly, and to 
whom we beseech that God will vouchsafe as long 
life, health, and honor as you yourself desire. This 


very day it hath pleased our Lord to take to him- 


self to his most blessed kingdom Queen Doïn Isabel, 
our very dear and most beloved wife. And yet her 
death is for us the deepest grief that could happen 
to us in this life, because we have lost the best 
and most excellent wife that king ever had. And on 
the one hand the grief for her pierces our heart and 
we doubt not that you as a brother, whom she so 
much cherished, and we so much love, will feel the loss 
of her royal person and our deep sorrow; yet when we 
consider, on the other hand, that she died as holy and 
catholic as she lived, whence we hope that our Lord has 
her in his glory, which is a better and more lasting 
kingdom than those she held here, this gives us 
much consolation. And since it has thus pleased our 
Lord, we conform ourselves to his will and give him 
thanks for all that he does, as is right. The said most 





SPANISH DESPATCHES. 417 


serene queen our wife, whom the sacred glory holds, A.D. 1504. 
ordained by her will that we should be administrator 
and governor of these kingdoms of Castile, Leon, and 
Granada, &c., as we are for the most serene queen 
Dona Juana our daughter. And because concerning 
those matters of business we have written to Doctor 
De la Puebla our ambassador who is with you, 
we affectionately beseech you that you grant him 
entire confidence and credence. Most illustrious king, 
our dearest and most beloved brother, may our Lord 
have you at all times in his special keeping and 
guardianship. From the city of Medina del Campo on 
the 26th day of the month of November, one thousand 
five hundred and four. 
I the King. 
ALMACAN, Sect". 

To the Most Illustrious King of England, our most 

dearly beloved brother. 


VI. FERDINAND THE CATHOLIC TO DE LA PUEBLA. A.D. 1505. 
(MS. Vitellius, C. xi f. 49 b.] 


El Rey. 

Doctor de Ja Puebla, del mi consejo en Inglaterra, 
despues que a los seys de Mayo os escrevi desde 
Arevalo, por duplicadas letras, recebi duplicadas las 
vuestras del primero y de xxj de Abril, y las del Rey 
de Inglaterra, mi hermano, y de la princesa de Gales 
mi fija, y el testimonio del Austo del Desporio que 
se fizo por palabras de presente entrello y el principe 
de Gales, mi fijo, y la carta sobre lo dellos navios, 
y la escritura de la nueva y mas estrecha amistad 
que alla querrian, y los traslados de letras del Rey 
Archiduque que embiastes ; y tengo vos en servicio el 
cuydado y buena diligencin que haveis puesto y poneys 

DD 


418 APPENDIX B. 


A.D. 1505.en fazer me saber todo lo de alla, y en haverme 
embiado las dichas letras y escrituras. Y como a los 
seys os escrevi, yo he havido mucho plaser de saber 
que se fizo el dicho Desporio por palabras de presente 
con tanta solennidad, y de la manera que dezis; y 
escrivo al dicho Rey, mi hermano, respondiendole a 
ello, a las otras cosas en Latin, como vereys. Dad le mis 
cartas; y quanto a esto del casamiento dexidle de mi 
parte quanto plazer he havido dello, y que assi espero 
que quando tenga el tiempo, se velaran, y casaran, 
y consumaran su matrimonio, el principe y la princesa 
de Gales, mis fijos; y que lo del dote que queda por 
pagar, se cumplira para el tiempo, de la manera que 
esta asentado. Mas porque, como sabeys, la dicha princesa, 
mi fija, evo consigo que le dimos para en cuenta de 
la dote, oro y plata y joyas, en valor de treynta y 
cinco mil escudos de oro; y destos no nos did de pago 
el Rey de Inglaterra, mi hermano, porque como se 
havian de recebido en cuenta en las postreras, se 
esperava que entonces, se sacaria la dicha carta de 
pago: avisad a la princesa, mi fija, que faga tener a buen 
recaudo todo el dicho oro y plata y joyas, como de 
aqua lo Ilevo, sin que falte cosa dello; porque lo han 
de apreciar y dar por recebido en valor treynta y 
cinco mil escudos de oro en cuenta de su dote; y que 
lo suso dicho que levéd, quedé todo aqua assentado por 
memoria in los libros, y alla assi mismo, de manera que 
por alli, han de dar cucnta dello, las personas que lo 
tienen acargo, fasta que, como dicho, es sea recebido 
en pago de la dote, como esta asentado. Y fablad 
sobresto tan bien a Dona Elvira, paraque en ello hay 
muy buen recaudo, como es razon; y lo demas que son 
sesenta y cinco mil escudos yo los mandare cumplir 
de aqua, para quando sea tiempo, que sera quando el 
principe de Gales mi fijo havra quinze aiios complidos. 
Y fazed me saber lo cierto para quando los cumplira, 
si pluguicre a nuestro Señor ; porque para entonces se 


SPANISH DESPATOHES. 419 


provea de enbiar a Londres los dichos sesenta y cinco A.D. 1505, 
mil escudos de oro. 

A lo de los acostamientos de Dojia Elvira y Pero 
Manrique, y de los otros criados de la princesa, mi fija, 
que dezis que responde el Rey de Inglaterra, mi hermano, 
que si se dexa a su cargo de él; e de quien él man- 
dare el cargo del gasto y proveymiento de la casa 
y servidores de la princesa, mi fija, que él proveera 
copiosamente lo que fuere menester para la dicha princesa, 
mi fija, para su casa; y que en lo destos acostamientos, 
lo fara onesta y competentemente. Direys de mi parte 
a la princesa, mi fija, que me parece que en todas las 
cosas deve estar muy conforme y en mucho acatamiento 
y obedienzia del Rey de Inglaterra, mi hermano, su 
padre, como creo que lo faze; porque, demas de ser 
esté la razon, assi la amara mas y fara mas por ella 
Y que pues placiendo a nuestro Sefor, cosa es que ha 
de ser para siempre su tierra, y en ella y con el Rey 
de Inglaterra, mi hermano, su padre, y con el principe 
de Gales, mi fijo, su marido, ha de fazer su vida; y 
pues el gasto della y de su casa, y de los salarios de los 
suyos, esta y ha de estar siempre 4 cargo del dicho 
Rey de Inglaterra, mi hermano, su padre, que me 
parece que deve trabajar que todo lo de su casa y 
de los suyos se faga y asiente a voluntad y consen- 
tamiento del Rey de Inglaterra, mi hermano; porque 
assi el cumplira enteramente; y es de creer que mirara 
en ello a la honrra suya, y de la princesa, mi fija, y 
a su descanso y a la princesa, mi fija, si viene bien 
que se asiente, de una vez para siempre, por salir desta 
cuidado, Platicad con ella sobrello; y assi mismo platicad 
en ello vos y Dota Elvira con la dicha princessa, mi fija ; 
y despues que tengays concertado oon ella, lo que con- 
veniere fazerse vos o Doïa Elvira, trabajad que el 
Rey de Inglaterra, mi hermano, lo faga y asiente, de la 
manera que parecera & la dicha princessa, mi fija, y 
como lo concertades con ella que lo que ella quisiere 

DD 2 


420 APPENDIX B. 


A.D.1505. en esto caso, aquello havré yo por bien, que se faga 
sin que mas lo consulteys comigo ; y fazed me saber 
lo que en ello se fiziere. De Segovia, a xxii dias del 
mes de Juino de quinientos y cinco aiios. 

Yo el Rey. 
ALMACAN, Sect“. 
Al Doctor de la Puebla, del su consejo, y su embaxador 
en Inglaterra. 


(Translation.) 
The King. 

Doctor de la Puebla, of my council in England, after 
I wrote to you on the sixth of May from Arevalo by 
letters duplicate, I received in duplicate yours of the 
first and twenty-first of April, and those of the king 
of England my brother, and of the princess of Wales 
my daughter, and the declaration of Austo del Desporio, 
which was made verbally in person between him and 
the prince of Wales my son, and the letter referring 
to the matter of the ships, and the advice touching 
the new and more intimate alliance which they 
wish there [established], and the translation of the 
letters of the king archduke which you have trans 
mitted; and I hold as a service the solicitude and 
diligence which you have taken and do take in keeping 
me acquainted with all that is going forward there, 
and in having sent me the said letters and despatches. 
And, as on the sixth I wrote to you, I have had much 
pleasure in learning that the aforesaid Desporio made 
orally [the declaration] with so great solemnity, and 
after the manner you relate; and I write to the king 
aforesaid, my brother, giving answer to him thereupon 
[and] to the other matters in Latin, as you will per- 
ceive. Give him my letters; and concerning the ques- 
tion of the marriage, tell him on my part how great 
pleasure I have had thereat, and that hence J hope 





SPANISH DESPATCHES. 421 


that when the time shall have arrived they will receive A.D. 1506. 
the nuptial blessing, be wedded and consummate their 
marriage, the prince and princess of Wales my children ; 
and that with respect to the portion of the dowry 
which remains to be paid, it will be completed in time 
according to the manner agreed. But because, as you 
are aware, the princess aforesaid, my daughter, took with 
her what we gave her on account of the dowry, gold and 
silver and jewels to the value of thirty-five thousand 
crowns of gold; and for these the king of England, my 
brother, has not tendered receipt, because as they had 
to. be reckoned in at last [payment] it was hoped that 
then said receipt for payment would be procured: re- 
mind the princess, my daughter, that she cause all the 
aforesaid gold and silver and jewels to be very safely 
kept, as from here she took them, so that none of 
them may be lost; for they have to be estimated 
and admitted as received to the value of thirty-five 
thousand crowns of gold on account of her dowry ; and 
that the above-mentioned which she took away has 
remained all registered here in the books, and there 
likewise, so that over there, those persons who hold it in 
charge must render account thereof until it be received 
in payment of the dowry as has been arranged. And 
talk thereupon with Doïa Elvira as well, because re- 
garding this there should be great caution, as is right ; 
and the remainder, which amounts to sixty-five thousand 
crowns, I will give orders to pay up here in due time, 
which will be when the prince of Wales my son shall be 
fifteen years complete. And let me know for certain when 
he shall have completed the term, if it please our Lord ; 
because by that time endeavour shall be made to send to 
London the said sixty-five thousand crowns of gold. 
Concerning the expenses of Dona Elvira and Pero 
Manrique, and of the other attendants of the princess my 
daughter, say what the king of England, my brother, 
answers as to whether they remain entirely at bis 


422 APPENDIX B, 


A.D. 1505. charge. And whomsoever he shall entrust with the charge 
of expenses, as well as with providing for the establish- 
ment and attendants of the princess my daughter, let 
him provide abundantly what is necessary for the said 
princess my daughter for her household; and that in 
regard to the expenditure, it be done becomingly and 
competently. You will say on my part to the princess 
my daughter, that it seems to me, she should in all 
things prove submissive, and in much respectfulness and 
obedience to the king of England, my brother, her father, 
as I believe she does; for, that besides this being a 
matter of course, he thus will love her more and will 
do more for her. And since it pleaseth our Lord, that it 
(England) is always to be her country, and in it she has 
to pass her life, both with the king of England, my brother, 
her father, and with the prince of Wales her husband ; 
and since her personal expenditure and that of her esta- 
blishment, and the remuneration of her attendants, are 
and have to be always at the charge of the said king of 
England, my brother, her father, it seems to me she ought 
to endeavour that what concerns her establishment and 
her dependants should be done and ordered with the 
will and consent of the king of England, my brother ; 
because thus he will comply fully, and one may trust 
that he will therein respect his own honor and that 
of the princess my daughter, as well as his own peace 
of mind and that of the princess my daughter, if 
it so happens, that he agree, once for all, in order to 
be rid of this anxiety. Converse with her thereupon, 
and at the same time moot the matter together, 
you and Dona Elvira with the said princess my 
daughter; and after you shall have come to an agree- 
ment with her touching what you or Dona Elvira 
should do, strive that the king of England, my 
brother, do act and agree after the manner which 
shall seem good to the said princess my daughter and 
as you shall have concerted the matter with her, so 


SPANISH DESPATCHES. 493 


that what she shall desire in this business that shall I A.D. 1508. 
esteem right to be done without your consulting further 
with me; but make me acquainted with what may be 
done in the matter. From Segovia, on the twenty-second 
day of the month of June, fifteen hundred and five. 
I the King. 
ALMACAN, Secretary. 

To Doctor de la Puebla, of his council, and his 

ambassador in England. 


VII. FERDINAND THE CATHOLIC TO DE LA PUEBLA. A.D. 1507. 
(MS. Vitellius, C. xi. f. 53.] 


Doctor de la Puebla, mi embaxador, y del mi con- 
sejo, Vi vuestras letras de xv de Abril, y las del 
serenissimo Rey de Inglaterra, mi muy caro y muy 
amado hermano, que con ellas me embiastes. Con las 
quales buenas nuevas que por ellas me escrevistes 
de su salud y prosperidad, have mucho plazer; porque 
naturalmente amo mucho y fuelgo de su bien como 
del mio proprio. Yo vos ruego que por mi plazer y 
descanso, me fagais saber siempre de sus buenas nuevas, 
porque no creo que ay principe en el mundo que 
tanto fuelgue con ellas como yo. 

Quanto a la prorrogacion de la paga de la dote de 
la illustrissima princessa de Gales, mi fija, que el 
dicho serenissimo Rey, mi hermano, me ha otorgado, 
dezidle, de mi parte, que me ha parecido muy bien y 
que lo' agradesco mucho, y que fuelgo de ver, que 
en esto y en todo parece, el amor que me tiene; y que 
en siendo en Castilla, plaziendo a nuestro Señor, yo 
trabajare de embiar el cumplimento de la dicha dote 
con tanta diligencia, como si la dicha prorogacion no 
fuera otorgada; y por que con la persona que de 





' gelo in MB. 


424 APPENDIX B, 


A.D. 1507. solo Castilla llevara el dinero de la dicha dote, pla- 
ziendo a nuestro Seiior, vos escrivere todo lo mas que 
toca a este articulo, no digo aqui mas sobrello. 

En lo del casamiento del Rey de Inglaterra, mi 
hermano, &c. 

Con la presente vos embio mi respuesta a las cartas 
del dicho serenissimo Rey de Inglaterra, mi hermano, 
en fin de la qual va creencia revistida a la dicha illus- 
trissima princessa de Gales, mi fijd; y a vos, por virtud 
de la qual le direys todo lo contenido en la presente ; 
y la dicha illustrissima princessa, mi fija, te dira lo 
que le escrivo que es en esta misma sentencia a XVIII? 
de Mayo de MDVIL 

ALMACAN, Sect™. 

Al Doctor da la Puebla, del su consejo, y su em- 

baxador en Inglaterra. 





(Translation.) 

Doctor de la Puebla, my ambassador, and of my 
council, I have seen your letters of the 15th of April, 
and those of the most serene king of England, my most 
dear and well-beloved brother, which you sent me along 
with them. From such good news as by them you 
wrote me concerning his health and prosperity, I have 
had much pleasure; for I naturally love and cherish 
his welfare even as my own. I pray you that for 
my satisfaction and repose you will always make me 
acquainted with his good tidings, for I think there 
is not in the world a prince who is so much comforted 
by them as I. 

As to the postponement of the payment of the dowry 
of the most illustrious princess of Wales, my daughter, 
which the aforesaid most serene king, my brother, has 





1 Sic, qu. XVII. ? 


SPANISH DESPATCHES. 425 


granted to me, tell him, on my part, that it hath AD. 1507. 
seemed very good, and I am very grateful for it; and 
that I like to perceive herein and in all things the 
love which he has for me; and that on arriving in 
Castile, our Lord willing, I will strive to remit the 
remainder of the aforesaid dowry with as great dili- 
gence as though the respite aforesaid had not been 
granted ; and because by the person who from Castile 
alone will take the money of said dowry, our Lord 
willing, I will write you what more especially concerns 
this particular, I say no more thereupon here, 

In respect to the marriage of the king of England, 
my brother, &. 

With this present I send you my answer to the 
letters of the said most serene king of England, my 
brother, at the end whereof goes a letter of advice 
for the said most illustrious princess of Wales, my 
daughter ; and for you, by virtue whereof you will tell 
her all the contents of this present; and the aforesaid 
most illustrious princess my daughter will tell you 
what I have written her, which is after this same 
tenor. On the 18th(?) of May, MDvir. 

ALMACAN, Sect", 

To Doctor de la Puebla, of his council, and his 
ambassador in England. 


VIII. FERDINAND THE CATHOLIC TO DE LA PUEBLA. 
(MS. Vitellius, C. xi. f. 51.] 
El Rey. 

Doctor de la Puebla, mi embaxador, y del mi consejo, 
por la otra mia que va con esta, vos escrivo lo que ha 
passado en este mi viage fasta oy, fecha de la pre- 
sente, que me desembarque en esta ciudad. Lo que de 
inas de aquello me occurre agora, es, que ya vos 
sabeys, como antes que yo partiesse de Napoles, el 


A.D, 1807. 


426 APPENDIX 2B 


serenissimo Rey de Inglaterra mi hermano me prorrogs 
la paga de la dote de la illustrissima princessa de Gales, 
mi fija, por tiempo de seis meses, el qual tiempo oreo 
que se acabara el mes di Setiembre, que primero viens! ; 
y segun la dicha-prorogacion en el dicho mes de Seti. 
embre, havia de estar ya el dinero de la dicha dote en 
Inglaterra. Y la verdad es, que quando el dicho sere- 
nissimo Rey, mi hermano, me embié la dicha i 

yo crey que pudiera partir antes de Napoles, y que llegara 
a Oastilla a tiempo que haviera lugar de embiar a 
Inglaterra el dinero de la dicha dote, dentro del 
termino de la dicha prorogacion; y fueron tantos y tan 
arduos los negocios que alli se me ofrecieron que ne 
me fue possible poder partir antes del tiempo que 


-parti; y como en estas mares de aca en todo este 


verano jamas a hecho tiempo assentado in un solo dia 
entero, que de una hora a otra sechan mundado! 
siempre los vientos y el tiempo, y como uniendo coo 
unie por la costa de puerto en puerto por mayor 
seguridad no navegara sino en dias y con tiempo que 
no fuesse peligrosa la navigacion. A esta causa nos ha 
sido necessario de tenernos en el comino por los 
puertos los dias que no heran para navigar; y este es 
lo que ha fecho tardar tanto nuestro viage. Pero pues, 
a Dios gracias, havemos llegado aqui buenos y con 
salvo todo, es bien empleado, y como por la otra, digo 
la serenissima Reyna de Castilla, mi fija, y todos los 
de sus veinos® me dan grandissima priessa que yo vaya 
luego adonde ella esté, y como quiera que me desseo 
fuera de partir para alla esta misma dia que aqui 
Ilegue. Pero segun las cosas que de necessidad me con- 
viene proveer aqui antes de mi partida, no creo que 
me sera passible poder partir de aqui para Castilla 
fasta veynte de Agosto a lo mas corto; y para el 





1 verna in MS. | 3 Sic, qu. vecinos ? 
3 Sic, qu. se han mudado? 


SPANISH DESPATCHES. 427 


camino, fasta llegar ajuntarme con la dicha serenissima AD. 1507. 
Reyna, mi fija, o al mismo tiempo que llegare sera 
passado el termino de la dicha prorogacion y no 
havra lugar para embiar el dinero de la dicha dote a 
Inglaterra dentro del dicho termino. Y como los 
vientos y tiempos de la mar, que tanto han dilatado 
mi llegada aqui, no estan en manos de los hombres, 
bien conocera el dicho serenissimo Rey, mi hermano, 
que no es mi culpa si dentro de los dichos seys meses 
de la dicha prorogacion no se puede embiar el dinero 
de la dicha dote. Porque siempre escrivi que fasta ser 
yo junto con la serenissima Reyna, mi fija, no seria 
possible embiarse el dicho dinero. Pero, mediante nuestro 
Sefior, yo entiendo de ser con la dicha serenissima 
Reyna, mi fija, al mas largo, por todo el dicho mes de 
Setiembre, que primero viene,’ y luego en siendo con ella; 
entendere en proveer que se embie el dinero de la 
dicha dote; y le fare saber de los otros negocios, lo 
que occuriere. Dezid lo todo de mi parte al dicho 
serenissimo Rey, mi hermano; y pues vee quan justas 
causas ay para ello, yo le ruego afectuosamente que el 
quiera prorogar el tiempo de la paga de la dicha dote 
otros seys meses, a lo menos; y que sobre ello me 
embie su carta en que assi lo diga; y que no embar- 
gante la dicha prorogacion que pido, y sin esperar 
agozar de todo el tiempo della, luego en llegando yo a 
la dicha serenissima Reyna, mi fija, proveere a toda 
diligencia, como he dicho que se embie el dinero de la 
dicha dote. Por que es cosa que cierto yo desseo 
mucho ver la complida, y vos me escrivereys mucho 
en procurar y embiar me luego la dicha prorogacion, 
y assi mismo en facer me saber de las buenas nuevas 
del dicho serenissimo Rey, mi hermano, y de los illus- 
trissimos principes y princessa de Gales, mis fijos Y 





1 verna in MS, 


v of th I S, M) 
daughter for the time of six ime 
will I believe be completed in the month of Septem- 
ber which next ensues; and according to the aforesaid 
extension to the month of September aforesaid, the 
money of said dowry was to be in England already. 
And the truth is that when the said most serene - 
king of England, my brother, sent me this extension 
aforesaid, I was of opinion that I should be able to 
leave Naples sooner, and should arrive in Castile in 
time to allow of sending to England the money of 
the dowry aforesaid within the term of said exten- 
sion; but so various and arduous were the matters 
which there presented, that it was not possible for me 
to leave before I did leave ; and as within these seas 
during this spring-time the weather has never been 








SPANISH DESPATCHES. 499 


for one entire day settled, so that from one hour to AD. 1507. 
another the winds and weather have been always 
changing, and, as it were, uniting, so that it was 
understood from port to port along the coast, that 
for greater safety no one should put to sea except 
on such days and with such weather as navigation 
was not dangerous. On that account it has been 
utterly useless to journey towards the ports during the 
days which were unfit for sailing ; and this it is which 
has so much delayed our voyage. However, since, thanks 
to God, we have arrived here prosperously and in all 
safety, all is well And in regard to that other, I mean 
the most serene queen of Castile my daughter, and all 
those of her affinity, they urge me with great earnest- 
ness that I should go forthwith where she is sojourning, 
and that I should besides leave for that place the very 
day that I have arrived here; but in consideration of 
those matters which it is, of necessity, becoming that I 
provide here before my departure, I do not think it will 
be possible to leave here for Castile until the twentieth 
of August, at the earliest; and for that journey until I 
join the aforesaid most serene queen my daughter, or by 
the time I shall arrive, the term of extension aforesaid 
will have gone by, and there will be no means of trans- 
mitting the said dowry to England within the said 
term. And as the winds and weather on the sea, which 
have so greatly retarded my arrival here, are not 
in the hands of man, the said most serene king, my 
brother, will readily know that it is not by fault of 
mine if within the six months aforesaid of the said 
respite the money of said dowry could not be sent. For 
I always wrote that until I should join the most serene 
queen my daughter, it would not be possible for the 
said money to be transmitted. However, with the help 
of our Lord, I intend to be with the said most serene 
queen, my daughter, at the latest for the whole month 
of September aforesaid, next ensuing; and forthwith, 


oth n ‘to © ] 
I shall then be sojourning, our Lord permitting. From 
the city of Valencia, on the twentieth of the month of 
July fifteen hundred and seven. 
I the King. 
ALMACAN, Sect’. 

To Doctor de la Puebla, of his council, and ambassador 

in England. 





481 


APPENDIX C. 


JOHN Si1_z To Henny VII. 
[MS. Cott. Vesp. Ci. £ 36.] 


[The following despatch, written in eipher on the 
26th April 1509, in ignorance of the death of 
Henry VII. to whom it is addressed, was 
transcribed for Mr. Brewer's forthcoming 
Catalogue of the State Papers of the reign of 
Henry VIII, and I am kindly permitted to 
insert it here. It will be found full of 
interest as illustrative of the effects of Henry 
the Seventh’s policy in Spain. In the begin- 
ning of the document some words are lost 
im each line of the original owing to the 
right-hand margin being mutilated.] 


Mosr excelent soverayn lord, Plesythe your hy3ghnys A.D. 1509, 
for to understand that on the sevyn........ the 
sevyntyn dayes of the monythe of Marche that last 
past y recevyd yowr nobyl le[tters]. . . . .. datys of 
the last day of Jenyver and of the thryd day of Fe- 
bruary as by other syx m...... fore thys y have 
certefyed unto yowr hy3ghnys and of the answer of 
the kynge of Arfragon]..... receyte of yowr sayd 
nobyl letters and the causys to hys hy3ghnys by me 
declary{d] ....... acordeyng to your hyghe con- 
mandament to me by your sayd most parfyteys[t] . . . 
answer, and hyt plese your grace was that the kyngys 
sayeing was that he was joyus ..... understand of 
your prossperus welfare, and that your hy3ghnys yss0 





sent towardys your hy3ghnys. 
[And] hyt plese your grace as for the bysschop don 
Pedro Ayala was not yn the corte wythe the kyng 
wee syx wekys or more, nor cam not forthe of hys 
logeynge excepte in the Paschyon weke, that he went 
unto a relegeus hows of Frerys whyche ys here yn 
thys towne, for the syd don Pedro ys contenwally 
dyseasyd and another. And yt plese your grace, the 
kynge of Aragon lovythe the sayd don Pedro wel, 
as that he hathe a good cause, for the sayd don Pedro 
dyd unto hys hy3ghnys yn the kyngys beynge yn 
Napulys and for hys returneynge unto Castyl best 





À Paper gone. 





434 APPENDIX C. 


A.D.1509. he had tydeyngys and letters from the conmendador 
Delamem[brejlya hys ambassatur and another that 
for as muche as that the qwyn of Aragon ys 80 
ny3[ghe]..... the tyme of her delyverrance of chyld 
for to be by al thys monythe of Apryel as hyt is 
[say]d; for the whyche, and hyt plese yowr grace, 
that after the good stede or fortune that [the say]d 
qwyn schal have yn hyr delyverance the kynge wyl 
order hym self yn all hys thyn..... . CAUSYS. 
For in case that the sayd qwyn spede wel and be 
delyverd of a prynce here....... be made grete 
tryumfe and the kynge then wyl exalte hym self 
the more yn al hys faus (?).... in case that the 
qwyn schal fortune for to have a dow3ghter the 
fryndys of the prynce [of Cas]tyl wylbe glad, for that 
sche maye not enheryte the reames of Aragon nor 
Napuls Howe... [anjd hyt plese yowr grace the 
sayeyng of the Aragonesys ys that yn case that hyt 
schalbe...... ter that sche schalbe maryed unto 
the kyng of Castylys secund son and have al... . 
whyche and yt plese yowr grace ys but a comune 
sayeynge of thys cortyers and not... schuld so be 
myndyd by the kynge of Aragon. And in case that 
the qwyn of Aragon schal fortune for to myscary 
and decese in thys hyr delyverance, suerely, and hyt 
plese yo[wr] grace, the kynge of Aragon schuld be 
gretely abateyd fereynge to lese hys amyte wythe 
France whyche he exstemythe above al the warld, 
and then he wylbe the gladder for to indevor hym 
selfe for to have the amyte of your hy3ghnys. So, 
and hyt plese your grace, the afecte of the sayd mater 
tucheyng the qwyn of Aragons delyverance and 
spede sch[al] here be schortly. knowen. And as to 
the tydeyngys that the kynge lokyd for from yowr 
reame of Yngeland, and hyt plese your grace, that 
on the fowrythe day of thys monythe of Apryel cam 
hether John de Scotya, mylady the prynces servant 


JOHN STILE TO HENRY VII. 485 


wyth letters from myss[ayd] lady oonly unto the kynge AD. 1509. 
hyr fader and unto the secretary Almasan. 

Where and hyt plese your grace on the tenthe day 
of thys present y spake wyth the kyng for to under- 
stand in cafse] that hys hy3ghnys had namyd and 
ordenyd hys ambasaturs that schuld be sent unto yowr 
hy3ghnys the kynge exschuseyng hym that he had 
not yet don it by cause of thys holi tyme of Ester, 
but that schortly he wold name and ordeyn hym, and ° 
hys hy3ghnys sayeynge that of late [he]' had recevyd 
a letter from my lady the prynces, in the whyche sche 
had wretyn of no mater of supstance but of hyr con- 
fessor, desyreyng the kynge hyr fader for to send hyr 
other from hens, the whyche the kynge sayed that he 
wold so do. 

And on the eleventh da[y] of thys present cam hether 
a servant of the conmendador de la Membrelya wythe 
letters from the sayd embassatur, wretyn yn yowr cety 
of London on the twenty day of Marche, and that the 
bysschop don Pedro hathe sayd to me that the sayd 
conmendador hathe wretyn he . . for to have lycence 
for to come home sayeynge that he ys evyl intreteyd 
in yowr c{orte] and t[hat yo]wr portorys schuld take 
hys moyle by the brydel and wold not suffer the sayd 
ambassatwr for to cum unto yowr corte. To the 
whyche, and yt plese yowr grace, myn answ[er] was 
that yowr grace wold not suffer the sayd ambassatur 
so to be entreteyd wythe owte grete cause. Then and 
hyt plese yowr grace, the sayd don Pedro schaweynge 
to awe hys ry3g[hte] good servyce unto yowr hy3ghnys, 
sayed to me yn secrete in thys maner: “John Style, 
t[he] kynge my lord gladly wold contynwe yn amyte 
wyth the kynge of Yngeland yowr lord, [ho]webe that 
ye wold mervel in case that ye understode of al the 


1 Omitted in MS. 
EE 2 


436 APPENDIX C. 


hys dow3ghter so longe there and' that the sayd 
partyes conforteyng the kynge for to send for the 
prynces hys dow3ghter, and in case that the kynge 
wold [not]* redelyver the monay of 

dote, that then they of the reame of Castyle, as for 
theyre aune proper good and at theyr proper cost and 
charge, that they wold make warr unto the reame of 
Yngeland ; wythe more, that they advyseyd the kynge 


al the naturalys of the reame of Castyl that they 
schuld cease and leve of theyr traute and entercorse of 
marchantdyse into the reame of Yngeland, sayeynge 
that the sayd traute and entercorse that they have 
into Yngeland ys grete damage unto the reame of 
Castyl, sayeynge that thos persons the whyche most 
traute into Yngeland convaye muche gold forthe of 
Castyl for to bye the wood the whyche they do 
convaye into Yngeland, and for the returne of the 
same that they do brynge no thynge ynto Castyl but 
Yngelysche clothe ; and that also the sayd persons sayed 
that hyt schuld be wel don in leke wyse that the 
Yngelysche marchantys schuld be defendyd that they 
schuld not have non entercorse of Yngelysche clothe in 
to thys partys, sayeyng that by the reson of the muche 
Yngelysche clothe hether comeyng that the clothe makes 
nue ys lost in Castyl, and sayeynge that the sayd 
Yngelysche marchantys convaye muche golde forthe of 





"and repeated in MS. * An illegible interlineation. 


JOHN STILE TO HENRY VIL 437 


thys land ynto Yngeland, so that by no reason they AD. 1509. 
thow3ghte that the entercorse of marchandyse by twyxt 
Yngeland and Spayne ys not benyfyschyal for CastyL 
To al the whyche causys, and hyt plese your grace, I 
made answer unto the sayd bisschop don Pedro to the 
best after my pore mynd ; unto the whyche he schawyd 
hym self in everry poynte satysfyed, and that they that 
had so moschyonyd unto the kynge hys lord had no 
good ground nor reson 80 for to do. And hyt plese yowr 
grace y usyd my selfe in suche maner wythe the sayd 
bysschop wythe fayre termys bycause that hereafter he 
schuld not forbere hereafter for to schawe me conten- 
ually of hys nwys, by whom y lerne and hyre muche. 
And hyt plese your grace, the sayeyng of the sayd 
bysschop then was that the kynge hys lord harde al 
the aforesayd maters, and toke everry thynge in paschyens, 
sayeynge unto theym that so counsolyd hys hy3ghnys 
that the kynge of Yngeland and he were and be grete 
brothers and fryndys, and that the sayd maryage ys 
not defferyd but for smal causys the whyche bryfly 
schuld be determynyd. And hyt plese yowre grace as 
that many tymys by fore thys y have certefyed unto 
your hy3ghnys that these pepyl here be wonders close, 
sotyl, and crafty, to farr passeyng myn understandeyng, 
so that no man maey be in a suerty almost of thayr 
wordys, for that often tymys theyr dedys folowe not 
the same. And as to that sayeyngys of the bysschop, 
that the kynge hys lord was at hys beynge yn Cevyl 
and sythe moveyd by dyverse persons as aforesayed ; 
the whyche, and hyt plese your grace, I persayve 
that hyt was so, for some thyngys were ordoryd & 
devysed acordeynge to the same counsayle and the 
wayes and menys sow3ghte, stodeyd and devysyd howe 
that the money that the conmendador brow3gh[te] yn 


to yowr reame for my lady the prynces maryaje 
my3ghte be convayed hether ayen. Al the whyche 


coupsaylys so gevyn to the kynge of Arragon, and 


{. 438 APPENDIX C. 


LE A.D. 1509. hyt plese yowr grace, was nother gevyn nor spoken b 

| non grete astatys of thys land ; for the kynge had neve 
- a grete astate nor lord of the reame of Castyl wythe hyn 
oa yn the sayd jorney into the Andoloysa excepte th 
: bysschop of Palencya and the bysschop of Mayeorke 
nr. whyche ys nowe archebysschope of Granada, and the 
L bysschop of Segovya, and the bysschop of Canarya, and 
x 





the bysschop of Cedad Rodrygo, and the presedent wythe 
the twelve of the lernyd counsel of thys land, and the 
secretary Almasan and Fernando de Vega, wythe suche 
other and Aragonesys, the whyche non of them be of no 
power. Fynally, and hyt plese your grace, here wythe 


the kynge of Aragon there ys no thynge don wythe oute 
the counsayle of the secretary Almasan, the whyche Al- 


masan ys ry3ghte secrete and a sotyl man in workeynge, 
aplyeynge hym self wythe al hys delygencys for the 
advantage of the kynge hys lord and for hys asurance 
and abydeynge yn Castyl, the whych ys al theyr 
myndys of the sayd kyngys afenyte. 
And hyt plese your grace, I delyverd unto the kynge 
of Aragon the copy wretin yn Latyn of the nobyl 
! tryumfe of the nobyl maryaje of my lady Mary your 
° nobyl daughter and the prynce of Castyl The kynge 
a commandyd Almasan for to copy hyt ynto Castelyas; 
x howe be that yowr grace may be ry3ghte wel insuryd 
that hyt ys muche more dysplesure to the kynge 
and al hys afenyte then conforte for to hyre of the 
said nobyl maryage, yn so.muche, and hyt plese your 
grace, that they saye and wylnot belyve that the 
sayd excelent maryage ys so concludeyd, and the trwe 
Castylyans, as the grete capytan and mani other to 
whom I have gevyn copyes wretyn in Castelyan, 
they do belyve hyt and take grete rejoyseynge thereyn, 
and thereby they do trust for to have ry3ghte muche 
socur and conforte. And as to the sayd grete cappytan 
as by my other letters of late y have certefyed unto 
yowr hyghnys that he was determynyd for to do hys 


— 


~ 


, 
à .: 
L _#" sde, + anf. oe. teem LU 


i 


a a ed Rte md am ne ae 


- È: 


‘JOHN STILE TO HENRY VIL. 439 


servyse unto yowr grace and unto themperowr and yn AD, 1509. 
the ry3ghte and favor of the prynce of Castyl hys 
natural lord ; howe be that the sayeynge of the sayd 
duke ys, and hyt plese your grace, that he of late 
consydorythe the grete sclacknys that ys yn them- 
perowr yn mani ways, sayeynge that hyt ys nere by 
an hole yere that a servant of hys hathe byn yn 
themperows corte for to [knowe hys plesure, of the 
whyche he can have non awnswer; the whyche put- 
tythe hym yn grete fere howe that he and his cum- 
pany schuld be intretyd in case that he and they schuld 
cum thether. And also he sayethe that he seythe 
not what servyse that he schuld do yn that partys 
onles that the prynces comeynge schuld be hether- 
wardys schorteley ; that notwythstandeynge the sayd 
dukes sayeynge ys that in case that yowr hy3ghnys 
schal plese for to command hym, or themperour or 
the pryncys cownsayle wyl wryte unto hym assure- 
ynge hym that he schal be by theym entertaynyd and 
yntretyd to hys onure, that then inmediatly he 
wyl repayre unto theym wythe al delyjence to him 
possybyl, the whyche he may not do wythe oute 
grete danger or joburdy of the leseynge of a grete 
parte of hys goodys here and al the landys 
that he hathe yn the reame of Napulys; for in case 
so were that the sayd duke were departeyd from 
hens, al th[y]s land schuldbe yn trobyl and hys 
fryndys. Howebe that, and hyt plese your grace, 
that no mans departeynge from thys land maye be 
more to the conforte of the prynce and to the dys- 
plesure of the kynge of Aragon then thys grete 
capytan, the whyche as yet he nother hys fryndys 
have not byn favorabylly delte wythe al by the 
kynge of Aragon. Howe be that, and hyt plese your 
grace, nowe dayly y understand that the kynge 
makythe meanys to the sayd grete cappytan and to 
the markes de Plego, the cund de Cabra, and other, 


440 APPENDIX 


Yowr grace may be wel insuryd that the kynge of 
Arragon ys sore dysplesyd wythe the conclusyon of 
the maryage of the prynce of Castyl, and so the 
bysschop don Pedro sayed unto me yn secrete that the 
kynge hys lord had reason so for to be discontenteyd 
seynge the prynce whyche that schuld be hys en- 
heretur for to be maryed wythe oute hys assent, the 
sayd bysschopp sayeynge hyt wold greve a pore man 
for to se hys enheretur for to be maryed wythe oute 
hys assente, and muche more a grete prynce as that 
the kynge my lord ys. To the whyche, and hyt 
please your grace, y gave suche answers unto the 
whyche the sayd bysschopp concedeyd that there was 
not so grete unkyndnys for to be derectyd unto yowr 
hy3ghnys as that hyt ys here by the kynge taken, 
for in as muche as at the forst moschyon and con- 
trautaschyon of the sayd maryage the kynge of 
Aragon was not yn the reame of Castyl and was in 
the reame of Napulys, and hyt was not at that tyme 





“be 


, plese 
that yowr hy3ghnys inno i 
perforce the kynge hys lord for to do 





of yowr nobyl letters, consyderyng the grete alyancys 
that ys bytwyxt your hy>ghnyssys and yowr nobyl 
blodys, that hyt folowthe of a good congruence that 
the kynge of Aragon hys lord schuld confyrme the 
sayd nobyl maryage wythe oute contradycschyon. 
Then, and hyt plese your grace, the bysschop sayed, 
“Swerely y owe my servyse to the kynge of Ynge- 
land above al other pryncys excepte the kynge my 





1 Paper worn away. 


JOHN STILE TO HENRY VIL 443 


lord; for the whyche I wold that he schuld oons mary AD, 1509. 
the prince of Walys hys son unto the kyng my lordys 
dow3ghter acordeynge to hys promyse, and that don, 
then for to saye unto the kynge my lord, ‘ Brother, 
trawythe hyt ys that y have wythe themperowr and 
theym of Flanders concludeyd maryage for my dow3ghter 
wythe the prynce of Castyl, and for as muche as that 
hyt ys but wordys that y have made wythe theym, 
y =. that I and yow do comune and by twyxt us do 
make thys sayd maryage by twyxt the sayd prynce and 
my sayd dow wpenter of the newe, so that hyt may stand 
in afecte.” To the whyche thys maner the kyng my 
lord wyl be agreabyl, for hys hy3[ghnys knjowythe 
not in al the warld where that the prynce of Castyl 
hys nepte my3ghte so wel mary as wythe [the] kynge 
of Yngelandys dow3ghter. And therefore the kynge of 
Yngeland yowr lord ow3ghte thys for to do after my 
mynd, and not therefore nor for the aqwytance of the 
prynces dote not for to deferr the maryage by twyxt 
the prynce hys son and the prynces my lordys dow3ghter ; 
for hys hy3ghnys hathe no reson so for to do, and hyt 
hathe byn seyn by the kynge my lordys counsayle 
and by the cownsayle of thys land, the wryteyngys by 
the whyche that the kynge of Yngeland ys bownden 
f6r to repaye the oon half of the prynces dote in case 
so schuid reqwere. And in case so be that Farnando 
Duke and the doctur de Puebla, for the plesure of the 
kynge of Yngeland, wold [or]! dyd make wythe hys 
hy3ghnys ani other apoyntament, the kynge and the 
qwyn here .....* ver agreabyl thereunto nor the 
same .... ever by theyr hy3ghnyssys confyrm . 

nor the kynge my lord wold not abyde nor be vd 
by there so doynge; flor] in case that the qwyn of 


1 Indistinct. * Paper gone. 








Ha 





Lord at 


send unto the kyngys hy3ghnys my lord.” 

Then, and hyt plese your grace, the sayeynge of the 
sayd bysschop was, “ Vereli y do owe my servyse to 
my pouer to the kynge yowr lord, and not offend- 
eynge the kynge my lord, and gladli wold do my 
delyjence for to helpe that a good end schuld be 
taken by twyxt theyr hy3ghnysses. Howe be that there 
canbe no cownsel ke in Yngeland that inmedyatly 
hyt be not knowen here, the whyche dothe muche hurte ; 
yet hyt ys not so evyl wretyn by the conmendador 
as by other; howe be that at thys tyme the conmen- 
dador hathe wretyn unto the kynge my lord and also 








1 Isabella, | 3 Paper gone. 





JOHN STILE TO HENRY VII. 445 


unto me that the kynge yowr lord oponly hathe sayed AD. 1509. 
that ye wrate unto hys hy3ghnys from Cevyl that I was 
apoynteyd and comeynge ynto Yngeland from thens as 
ambassatur, for the whyche cause y maye not speke nor 

do so largely as that y wold do, for that by the reason 

thereof y am had in a jolosy that y owe my favor 

and servyse unto the kynge of Yngeland yowr lord; for 

the whyche such sayeyngys had byn better sparyd.” 

And hyt plese yowr grace, acordeynge to my duty 
wyth al playnys and trawthe y do at al tymys to my 
knowynge certefy unto yowr hy3ghnys of that I see and 
hyre yn thys..... ‘the . .. .! chuld be to my grete 
jeburdy and to the dysservyse of yowr hy3ghnys in case 
that hyt were here dysclosyd by ani wryteyng from 
yowr reame of Yngeland or other wyse; for, as byfore 
thys y have certefyed unto your hy3ghnys, that in case 
that your hy3ghnys had sent me unto the Turke or ani 
kynge in the Barbory, y doute not but that y schuld 
for the favor of yowr hy3ghnys have as good chere 
and cumpani as that y have here, and the prynce of 
Castylys ambassatur in lykewyse; and al y do and 
schal suffer wythe fewe wordys and paschyens for the 
servyse of yowr grace dureynge yowr graschyus plesure ; 
for he that schal contynewe her must suffer paschyence 
of force, hyreynge muche and saye lytel, or els schortely 
for to be dysstroyed. 

Yowr grace schal understand that the qwyn of 
Castyl was brow3ghte to Tordeselyas on the fyvetyn 
day of Marche that last pas, and hyr late kyngys 
corse wythe hyr and hyr younge infanta, and there 
sche contynwythe wythe a smal cumpany of servantys 
abowte hyr excepte Mofnsen.]' Ferrer and suche 
Arragonesys as hyt plesythe the kynge hyr fader, and 
the bysschop of Malaga and the bysschop of Mon- 





" Paper gone. 


446 APPENDIX C. 


A.D. 1509. donedo ; the whyche bysschoppys be there for a coun- 
tenance, but they speke not wythe the qwyn, nor no 
man excepte Monsen. Ferrer. And hyt plese yowr 
grace, thys Tordeselyas ys the place where that the 
sayd qwynys grandame' contynwyd and was kepyd 
many yerys after the deces of hyr kynge don John 
of Castyl, the sayd qwyn not beynge in hyr parfyte 
mynd; and so leke wyse thys qwyn ys leke for to 
be there kepyd for the terme of hyr lyfe. And hyr 
late kyngys corse not beynge beryed, by cause that 
the pepyl maye derecte the les dyscreschyon in the 
sayd qwyn, thys land nowe beynge perforce fully 
obedyent unto the kynge of Aragon; and also the 
sayd kynge dayli usythe meanys for to have the 
astatys retaynyd unto hym. The cunde de Cabra ys 
cleryd and qwyteyd ayent the kynge by the lernyd 
cownsel of the land, and on the syxtyn day of thys 
monythe of Apryel, so that the sayd cunde may goe 
home into hys cuntraye. And hyt plese your grace, 
the markes de Plego ys sent fore and ys comeynge to 
thys corte, and hyt ys sayed that the kynge wyl 
pardon hym and restore the sayd markes to hys onure, 
offycys, and landys. | 

And acordeynge unto the conmandament of yowr 
hyghnys y do and have conforteyd suche as that by 
the prynce of Castyllys fryndys here, that they schuld 
persever in theyr good myndys towardys the prynce 
of CastyL And hyt please yowr grace, they saye that 
they wole so gladly do, howe be that hyt ys and 
schalbe, they saye, to theyr utterly dysstruxschyons, 
in as muche as that the prynce comythe not nor 
ambassaturs from themperowr, nor from yowr grace 
and the sayd prynce for to se suche order taken that 
thys land be not dyspoylyd and the pryncys fryndys 
dysstroyed. For the defaute of suche order by your 





1 Isabella of Portugal queen of John II. of Castile. 


JOHN STILE TO HENRY VIL 447 


hy3ghnys and themperowr not taken at lengythe, AD. 1609. 
thys land schalbe impoveryschyd and they to be dys- 
stroyed, or els for to abayse theym selfe, for to 
take the kynge of Arragons parte, the costys of the 
whyche ambassaturys here after my3ghte be payed of 
the revenwys: of Castyl. Y se not, and hyt plese 
your grace, but that thys pepyl at lengythe wyl wax 
faynt yn case that there schalbe non other provysyon 
of conforte hether yn the prynce of Castyl behalfe. 
Yowr grace schal understand that the cardynal of To- 
lodo ys at Cartajena, were, by the kynge of Arragons 
conmandament and by the said cardynalys provysyon, 
there ys an armey assembelyd of fyve or [sy]x thow- 
sand ..,....88....... I[thle sayd cardynal wyl 
pay into the Barbary ayent the Morys; and some saye 
that he wyl to Rome and other twoo thowsand men 
schal by al thys monythe schyp at Valencya, the whyche 
schal pas yn to the reame of Napulys. 

Of late by my sundry letters I have wretyn unto 
yowr hy3ghnys for to be socurryd wyth more money 
for myn exspences for my grete nescessyte and danger of 
borowynge that y contenualli am in here; the whyche 
my trust ys that hyt be al redy remembreyd and pro- 
vydeyd by yowr graschyust conmandament by fore thys 
day, otherwyse y [may not*] leve here leke the servant 
of yowr most excelente grace oute of the danger of evyl 
sayers And hyt plese your grace, that by ani thynge 
that y can understand that hyt ys apoynteyd or schalbe 
that the cunde of Syfwentys, that ys presedent of the 
counsayle here, or the bysschop of Canarya, schal cum 
for ambassatur unto your grace. The delyverrance of 
the qwyn of Arragon of chyld, and hyt plese your 
grace, ys ourely lo[kyd'] for to be, and of a swerty the 
qwyn of Castyl ys sore seke and yn grete jober[dy’ of] 
hyr lyf Of the whyche [and ! ] al other thyngys y 


1 Paper gone in these places. 3 Blotted and illegible. 





Le 108 © I 00 IT Se NE PS Ve uv 


GLOSSARY. 


MARAARAN . 








GLOSSAR Y. 


The words in this Glossary are all French, except where otherwise indicated by the 
addition of “Lat.” or ‘ Eng.” within parentheses. The numbers refer to the 


principal pages where they occur. 


AGEIHE, AGHEE, AGGHEYE, 170, 174, 
178, for égayé. Spangled, or made 
to look cheerful with bright 
colours, or otherwise. 


AGuissfs, 169. Decorated. 


Anourngk, 175, ) Furnished ? or de- 
AuRuÉs, 100. | corated ? Perhaps 


orné misspelt. 

AMVOYER, 1, for Envoyer. To send. 
ANEMYS, 162, for Ennemis. Enemies. 
ANTER, 166. To frequent, or haunt. 
ANTINOTATOR (Lat.) A controller. 


APoOsTOLI (Lat.), ss A name used 
in the Canon Law, signifying a 
particular description of docu- 
ments granted by judges and other 
officials in appeals to Rome. 


ARENGUE, ARAYNGHE, 174,19. Ha- 
rangue, speech. 

ARNES, 17. Harness. 

ASSEMBLER, 146, for À sembler. 


ATERRY, 148, Grovelling ; lit. fallen 
to earth. 


AULCUN, any. Ne aulcun, none. 


AULCUNEMENT, 134,188. Anywise, or 
nowise (with ze understood). 


AUTEL, 13 Such, the like. 
AVENE, 158 A harbour. 


Banp, 16%. Cheval bard. A barbed 
horse. 


Bovucs ? 221. 


BROULLER, 15. Generally, to mix 
or jumble ; here, to soak or stain 
with a liquid. The idea of pe- 
netrating one substance with 
snother, appears to be involved. 


Cannes, 181, for Chiens. Dogs? 


Carnt, 178, for Garni. Garnished, or 
adorned. 


CaTIN, 221, for Satin. 
CE, 150, for Si. 


Ce, 179, for Se. 


CENESTRE, 175, for Senestre. Left 
[hand]. 
CETTELLE, 1% À kirtle ? 
CHACHER, 185, for Chasser. 
Cuans, 219, for Champs. Fields. 
Cars, 10. Flesh. From Caro, 
Cnaucne, 18, for Chaussé. 
CHAUCHES, 182. Breeches. 
CHERUMBELLES, 191. Cymbals ? 
FF 2 


452 GLOSSARY. 


CHEVAUCHER, CHEVAULCHER. To 
ride on horseback. 


CoGNoTaATOR (Lat.) A controller. 
CoLLaTION, 173 Conference, speech. 
CoMPLETES, 17 Complines. 
Coquiw, 141. A beggar or vagabond. 
CousrTery, 164 Mod Fr. Côté. Side. 


Cuiper, CUYDER, QUIDER, 138, 136. 


To think. 


DAMONT, 141. Up. 
DavalL, 141. Down. 


DEMENT, 188. Probably from De- 
mentia. En dement. Raging? 


DESFROYER, 189, To defray or pay 
expenses. 


DESTRE, 173. DEXTRE, 1%. Right 
[hand]. 


Dont, 141, for D’ou. Whence(unde). 
Dorr, 137. Suitable. 


DYENT, 14. 3d per. plur. of dire. 


EGULLE, 182, for Aiguille. 

EN, 183, 141, for On. 
ENNORTEMENT, 138. Exhortation. 
S’EsBaTRE, 139. To sport. 
ESCALLEMÉES, 193. Shalms ? 
Escars, 161. Slight, insufficient. 
ESCARSSITÉ, 189. Scarcity. 


ESCRIPRE, ESPCRIRE, 135, for Ecrire. 
To write. 


ESLONGNE, 141. Delay. 
EsPADINS, 195. Portuguese Coù 


EstEvs, 171, for Esteuf. A te 
ball. 


EsToc, 139. A thrust. 


ESTRAINE, 140. Mod. Fr. Etre 
A gift. 


EsTRIEUFS, 195, for Etriers. Stirr 
Eva, EWEUA, 1e, for Eau. VW: 


FAUDUENS or FANDUENS? 18. 
FECULTE, 168, for Faute ? 


FESUNA, 178, for Faine. A be 
nut. 


FoRODRÉ, 1%. Lined ? 


SE HAULSER, 140. To incre 
From Altus. 


HAULE, Hause, or HANRE ? 
Perhaps for Epaule. 


HAULTAIN, 1%. High, noble. 
HEUr, 178, for Buf. Egg. 
HiDEUR, 141. Frightful. 


HoucHeEvrE, HUCHURE, 176,17. 1 
parently trappings or housings 


IsstLuI, ISSELLE, 20. That. 


Justos, 1%. Evidently Portugu 
coins. 


Leen, 198. Mod. Fr. Laid. Us 
LESCAIRON, 145. Qu. for J’ escriro 


Liens, LYENS, 162, 168. There. 


GLOSSARY. 


Lous, 190. Praise. 
LuissANT, 17. Brilliant. 
LuITERIES, 19. Wrestling matches. 


Luyre, 135, To shine or give light. 


MACTER, 13. To conquer. (Mac- 
tare.) 


MAIDRE, 175, for Motndre ? 
Mariner, MENER, 137. To lead. 
Mains, 143, for Moins. 

Mains, 143, for Matins. 

Maint, 137. Many. 

MANDE, 188. (Lat. Mandatum). The 


ceremony of washing poor men’s 
feet, in imitation of Christ, on 
Maundy Thursday. Henry VII. 
washed with his own hands 29 
poor men’s feet at Lincoln in 
1486. See Leland’s Collectanea, 
IV.185. From the words “ Man- 
datum novum do vobis,” which 
were chanted on the occasion. 


[ Mains ? | 


MARCHEPAINS, 168. Some kind of 
confectionery. . 


MANS, 157. 


MARGARITTE, 178. A pearl. 


MARTIRER, 14. To murder. To 


make a murderous onslaught. 
MENGER, 14, for Manger. 


MONTsS ET VAULX, 148 Faire monts 
et vaulx. A proverbial expres- 
sion. Promettre monts et vaulx 
or Monts et merveilles. To pro- 
mise extraordinary things. 


Mussir, 1064 Qu. Afousser ? 


453 


NonneE, 19. Noon. The word, 
according to Roquefort, means 
the ninth hour of the day or three 
o’clock in the afternoon, but is 
clearly equivalent to “heure de 
midi” in Machado. 


OvrgE, 188, for Heure. Hour. 


Ouvanr, 189, for Oyant. Hearing. 
PaissER, #17. To pacify. 

End. 

PasrTis, 137. Pastures, fields. 
PEICHON, 188, for Poisson. Fish. 


PERIs, 221. Qu. Pers, which Roque- 
fort explains as dark blue, “ bleu 
tirant vers le noir.” 


PARFIN, 139. 


F'ERPOINT, en, for Pourpoint. Doub- 
et. 


PIECHE, n9. Space of time. 
PiEça, 148. Of old. 
Pie (Eng.), 230. To rob or plunder. 


PLAINEMENT, 185, for De plain. 
Straightway. 


PREPOSSICION, 178, 192, appears to be 
the first oration delivered by an 
ambassador on arriving at the 
Court to which he was sent. 


QUERELLE, 148. Cause, party. 
QUERIR, 170, 173. To seek. 
Quiper. See Culver. 


RecHer, REcHIEF. 


De Rechief. 
Again. 


REGNYER, 138, for Renier. To re: 
nounce. 





Soussm, 100, for Cousin. 
Bucapss, 18, Some kind of con- | Ysroine, for Histoire. 
fectionery ? 


INDEX. 





INDEX. 





A. 


Abraynches, count of, 191, 360. 

Africa, progress of the Portuguese in (1508), 
129, IIT. 516, 52. 

Alan, king of Britanny, 13. 

Albany, duke of, 129. 

Albaydas, the conde of, 226, 

Albert, the lord (2), 108. 

Albistur, Martin de, 237. 

Albret, the sire d’, 213, 214, 220, 380, 382, 
387. 

Albuquerque, 186, 356. 

Albuquerque, duke of, 169, 171, 277, 339, 
341, 842. 

Albyon, Jayme de, 433, 

Aldea Nueva; in Spain, 185, 355. 

Alexander the Great, 64. 

Alfonso, the Magnanimous, king of Naples, 
brief reigns of his successors, 107. 

Alfonso V., king of Portugal, 274. 

Algacer do Sal in Portugal, 195, 364. 

Algarve in Portagal, 197, 366. 

Almacan, Michael Perez d’ (called by Stile 
Almasan), of Ferdinand 
the Catholic, 250, 251, 259-271, 
405, 407-409, 412, 414, 416, 417, 
433, 438. 

Almirante of Castile, the, 253, 277. See 
also Castile, admiral of, 

Alonso, don, brother of the Almirante, 
277. 

Alresford (“ Alsfort ”), 211, 379. 

Alton, 209, 310, 377, 378, 

Alva, the duke of, 251, 252, 253, 277. 





Ambassadors, presents of Heary VIL to, 
115, 116. 

Amboise, George a’, cardinal archbishop of 
Ronen, 82, 128, 

Amiens, foreigners “e Sancto Johanne 
Ambiennensi ” return safe from 
shipwreck, 122, 

Anajars, duke of. See Najara. 

Ansrins, dofia, de Aragon, 226; qu. for 
Marina, which see. 

André, Bernard, life of, viüi-xü His in- 
tention to present yearly some literary 
effort to the king, 4. His retire- 
ment from court, 7. Time and cir- 
cumstances under which he com- 
menced writing the Life of Henry 
VIL, 6,7. Tutor to Arthur prince 
of Wales, 6, 43. His blindness, 
32,35. Present at a banquet given 
to the French ambassador, 103. 

His poems: On the battle of Bosworth, 
35, 36. On the coronation of Eli- 
zabeth queen of Henry VII., 40. 
On the birth of prince Arthur, 41, 
42. On his creation as prince of 
Wales, 44-46. On the death of the 
carl of Northumberland, 48, 49. On 
the return of Henry VII. from the 
victory of Stoke, 52. To the papal 
legate, 54. In reply to Gaguinus, 
57 On the return of Henry 
VIL from France, 61-64 In 
French: “A cellay qui est tout mon 
“ confort” 95.“ Reveilles-vous, 
“ cuearsendormis,”ib. The“ Douse 
‘Triomphes” written by him, xxi. 


Aubam, Henricus, Henry VII. so called, 
395. 


Augustinian novice said to have had a 
Ê conference with the devil, 125. 
Augustinians, the church of, violated, 114; 
reconciled, 115. 
Auray, Hourey, or Havre, in Britanny, 
208, 215, 376, 383. 


Casse], ambassador from the arch- 
duke, 108, 
Auxerre, governor of, 204, 206, 372, 374. 
Ayala, don Pedro de, 401, 403, 432, 435, 


440, 

Aylmer, Laurence, clected mayor of 
London (1508), 113. 

Aynale, Sir Nicholas, 159, 330, 


129, 123, 
Bauduin de Lyle the bastard, 169, 939. 


Beja in Portugal, 190, 191, 360. 

Beja, the duke of, 195, 364, 

Beld, one of Perkin Warbeck's captains, 
148, 322, 

Bellas Locus. See Beaulieu. 

Benavente, count of, 169, 171, 179, 262, 


pope Julius IL, 103. 





INDEX. 


Bergis, seigneur de, chief of the Flemish 
Jegation at Calais, 1507, 100. 

Berkeley, Sir William, of Beverston, xl. 

Berkyng, 128. 

Bernard André. See André, Bernard. 

Bernardi Campus. See Barnet, battle of. 

Bernardo de Blasquo, don, 169, 339. 

Beubri in Britanny, 203, $72. 

Biannois, seigneur de, a Frenchman, his 

servants, 127. 
Bilboa in Biscay, 161, 165, 331, 336. 
Bishopsgate, hospital of St. Mary without, 
114. 

Blasquo, don Bernardo de, 169, 339. 

don Sancho de, 169, 339. 

Blayes, 278. 

Bobadilhe in Spain, 184, 354. 

Bongeur (?), William de, 207, 375. 

Boston, a general chapter of the Augus- 

tinians held at, 125. 

Bosworth, battle of, 32. 

Boulogne, 58. Siege of, 59. 

Bourbon, duchess of. See Beaujeau, 

madame de. 
Bourgoyne, seigneur de, marshal of France, 
112. 

Boynnam, James, 163, 331. 

Bradbrige ( ), bishop of St Asaph’s, 
promoted to the bishopric of Dur- 
ham, 106. 
Bradley, Thomas, 223, 224. 
Brandon, sir Charles, 112, 122, 123, 125. 
Brandon, Edward, 195, 364. 
Brandon, Thomas, and Matthew Baker 
meet the French ambassador (1507), 
102. 

Braybrooke, James, 223, 240. 

Breton ambassador, his intercourse with 
the English nobility (1508), 114. 

Bristol, 198, 367. 

merchants of, 196, 365. 

Britanny, state of, in Henry VII.’s time, 
xlvi. Embassies to, 200, 211, 
$69, 379. An apostate Domi- 
nican friar of, 109, Insurrection 
of peasants in, 208, 217, 376, 385. 
Ambassador from, in 1508, 110, 
111. 











459 


Britanny, attorncy-gencral of, 213, 214, 
381, 382. 

the chancellor of, 219, 220, 386, 
887. See also Montauban. 

—— grand master of, 213, 214, 381. 

——— Francis IL duke of, receives the 

earl of Richmond (afterwards 
Henry VII.) and his uncle Jasper 
earl of Pembroke, 17. 

Britons, the, and the Welsh, 10. 

Brook, pursuivant, 200, 369. 

Broune, William, lord mayor of London 

(1507), 99. 
Bruges, 112. 
Brutus, 9. 
Buckingham, (Edward) duke of, 125. 
Buckingham, Henry duke of. His rebel- 
lion against Richard II, 24. 
Buckingham, lord Henry of (ze. lord 
Henry Stafford, brother of Edward 
duke of Buckingham), his tour- 
nament with the Earl of Kent, 111. 

Burgo, Andreas de, ambassador of Maxi- 
milian, arrives in London, 1508, 
122. Verses sent to him by Bern. 
Andr., 124. 

Burgoni, soror domini, buried at the 
Charter House, 1508, 127. 

Burgos in Castile, 163, 164, 334-336. 

Burgundy, duchy of, 266, 267; ambassador 
of, 47. 

Charles duke of, 12. 

——— Elizabeth duchess of, 12. 

——— Margaret duchess of, sister of Ed- 
ward IV. of England, 102. Her 
appeal to the pope in behalf of 
Perkin Warbeck, 393-399. See 
also Margaret. 

Mary of, wife of Maximilian, 12, 

“ Buske,” “ the, in Spain, 245. 

Batiliensis Conventus, 113. 

Butler, William, sheriff of London, 1507, 

99. 











460 


C. 


Cabot, William, an English merchant at 
Lisbon, 196, 365. 
Cabra, Count de, 439, 446. 
Cabrera, don John de, chamberlain of Fer- 
dinand of Arragon, 252, 277. 
Cadwalla, father of Cadwallader, 9, 10. 
Cadwallader, 9, 10, 68. 
Cedua Silva. See Woodstock. 
Cæsars Commentaries, 43. 
Cagosto, pont de, in Spain, 184, 354. 
Calabria, duke of, 256, 270, 277, 280. 
Calais, conferences at, 56, 442. Henry VII. 
lands at, 59. ‘The mart there, 84. 
Ambassadors sent thither to treat 
with Flanders (1507), 100. A 
messenger returns from, 127. 
controller of, 115. 
Calatrava, the grand comendador of, 170, 
171, 277, 340. 
Caminha, Alvaro de, 190, 360. 
Canaria, bishop of, 432, 438, 447. 
Canhaveral, in Spain, 186, 355. 
Canterbury (Morton) cardinal archbishop 
of; his replies to French ambas- 
sadors who came to sue for peace, 
55. 
Capell (Sir William?) “senior civitatis,” 
126. 
Captain, the Great, 438, 439. 
Carhaix in Britanny, 208, 212, 216, 376, 
380, 384, 
Carmelianus, Petrus, Bricciensis, Henry 
VII.’s secretary. Ilis poem on the 
birth of prince Arthur, xxviii., lvi. 
Ile replies to Gaguinus, 56. 
Carnajal, a man’s name, 176, 346. 
Carthagena, 447. 
Cascalles, 196, 365. 
Cassel, the provost of [de Casse] am- 
bassador from the archduke, 108, 
123. 





INDEX. 


[Castello] Adrian de, cardinal, flies from 


Rome, 101. Henry VIL. displessed 
with him, 15. See also Bath, bishop 
of. 


Castile, kingdom of, 251, 451. Honor 
showed to ambassadors iv, 181, 
351. Return of Ferdinand t, 
423, 424, 426, 428. 
——— ambassadors of Philip king of, 
(1505), 87. 
——— king of arms of Castile, 177, 347. 
——~ Charles, prince of, 434. 
-——— Cardinal of, 171, 175, 177-179, 
342, 346, 348. 
———— constable of, 277, 433. 
admiral of, 169, 171, 339, 342. 
the king and queen of, (Philip and 
Joan), 247, 248, 249, 257, 274, 
282-303. 
Castro, Diego de, merchant of Burgos, 164, 
165, 335. 
——— Farnan de, 165, 166, 335, 337. 
Catania, bishop of (“ Chatanensis episco- 
pus”) arrives in England in dis- 
guise, but is taken and sent to the 
Tower (1508), 124. Is released by 
Henry VII., and entertained by 
him at Richmond, 76. His his- 
tory, tb. 
i Catherine, daughter of Ferdinand and Is- 
| bella of Spain, 180, 181, 350, 351. 
As princess of Wales, 223-225, 228, 








241, 255, 256, 260, 281. Touching 

her marriage with prince Arthur, 
403-409. Touching her sccond 
marriage (with prince Henry), 246, 
418, 420, 421. Ter dowry, 423- 
430. 

Catherine of France, queen of Henry V., 
9, 11. 

Cato the Elder, his sentiment touching 
business and ease, 3. 

Cawle, 127. 

Ceuta, bishop of, 191, 194, 195, 360, 361, 
363, 364. 

Chamberlain, the lord, 108. 
beney. 


Sce also Dau- 


INDEX. 


Chamberlain, the new lord (1508), recovers 
from sweating sickness, 128. His 
wife dies, 127. 

Chancellor, the lord (Warham, archbishop 
of Canterbury), 109, 110. 

‘ Chandea, dominus de ;” i.e, baron de 
Shaundé. See Shaundé. 

Chara, the marchesa de, 224, 226, 227. 

Chard, 209, 377. 

Charles VIII, king of France, assists 
Henry VIL to obtain the crown, 25. 
Sends an embassy to England to sue 
for peace, 55. Favors Perkin War- 
beck, 66. Treaty between him end 
the duchess of Britanny, 217, 385. 
Mentioned, 107. 

Charles, prince of Castile and archduke of 
Austria (afterwards Charles V.), 
124, 125, 271, 434. His projected 
marriage with the princess Mary, 
102, 103, 438, 440-443. His par- 
tizans in Spain, 446, 447. 

‘“ Chatanensis episcopus,” i. ¢. bishop of 
Catania, 124. 

Cherbourg, 202, 371. 

Cherbourne, for Sherborn, which see. 

Chertsey, 104. 

Christchurch, London, 121. 

Christmas spent by Henry VII. at Rich- 
mond in 1507, 103. 

Cicero, 3, 43. 

Cifuentes, count of, 447. 

Ciudad Rodrigo, bishop of, 169, 172, 177, 
339, 342, 438. 

Clifford, Sir Robert, knight of the king’s 
body, goes to Flanders and becomes 
a spy on Warbeck, 70. Sent to 
Britanny with Machado, 200, 212, 
216, 218, 221, 369, 380, 384, 385, 


the, 81. 

Coirino in Spain, 164, 334. 

Colet (John), dean of St. Paul’s, 106. 

Comendador, a, of the order of St. James, 
sent ambassador from Ferdinand 
the Catholic to the king of France, 
433. 


461 


Commerssal, John, clerk of the navy, 200, 
201, 369, 370. 

Compostella, St. James of, 203, 371. 

Concordia (Lionel), bishop of, sent by 
Pope Innocent VIII. to Henry VII. 
46. 

Connha, don Diego de, 176, 346. 

don Martin de, 176, 346. 

Constable, the, of Castile, 433. 

of Spain, 251, 252, 253. 

Constantine, chief general ? (‘“‘ preefectus 
omnium exercituum”) of the king 
of the Romans, 129. 

Constantinople, despatches from, in 1507, 
102. 

Contagion, fear of, 88. 

Controller of the Household? (“ Regius 
cognotator ”), 121. See Hussy. 

Cordis, dominus de. See Querdes. 

Cordova, bishop of, president of the council 
of Ferdinand the Catholic, 251, 276. 

Cornet castle, Guernsey, 202, 371. 

Cornwall, invaded by Perkin Warbeck, 70. 
Mentioned, 198, 367. 

Courtney, lord William, sent over to Calais 
(1507), 100. 

Crato, prior of (of the order of St. John), 
191, 360. 

Croydon, the rector of, preaches at the 
funeral of lord Dawbeney, 118. 

Crusade, a, proclaimed against the infidels, 
54. 

Crutched Friars, London, Marsam buried 
at, 101. 








D. 


Dabreu, Ray, 187, 357. 

Daet, John, 394. 

Dance of Rouen merchants (1508), 111. 
Dartmouth, 209, 377. 


ie, oy 
on an embassy to Calais (1507), 100. 


‘appeal to Dudley and the lord 
chancellor in behalf of the church's 
privileges, 109. 

Dorset, marquis of, stepson of Edward IV., 
xxxix, 24; sent over to Calais 
(1507), 100, 

Doynas in Spain, 168, 838. 

Dudley, Edmund, baron of the exchequer, 
appealed to by the Dominicans in 
behalf of the immunities of the 
church, 109. 


while he was invading France, 60. 
Anniversary of her death (11 Feb.), 


108. 
Elizabeth, princess, daughter of Henry VIL, 


Isabella. 

Eltham, 115, 117, 127, 128. 

Elvas in Portugal, 186, 187, 356. 

Ely, bishop of (Stanley), 108, 125. 

Emmanuel, king of Portugal, solicits aid 
from Henry VIL against the Moors, 
83. His victories and acquisitions, 
107, 122, 

receives the order of the Garter, 192, 

193, 361, 362, His relations with 
Ferdinand of Arragon, 254, 274. 





INDEX. 


Emannuel, Johannes. Sce Manuel. 

Emperor and archdukc's ambassador, 125. 

England, honor showed to ambassadors in, 
181, 350. 

England, grand master of. See Willough- 
by, Robert lord Broke. 

Enrique, don Enrique, 176, 346. 

Enrykes, donna Maria de, niece of the old 
queen of Naples, 224, 226. 

Envy, the constant enemy of Henry VIL, 
64, 65, 133, 187, 189, 140, 149, 307, 
314. 

Feturias. See Asturias. 

Eurystheus, Maximilian compared to, 134, 
308. 

Eusebius, 43. 

Evora, bishop of, 191, 192, 861. 

Excelenta, the daughter of ITenry IV. of 
Castile, 274, 275. 

Exeter, 199, 209, 367, 377. Besieged by 
Perkin Warbeck, 71. 


F. 


Falmouth, 158, 160, 329, 330. 

Farnham, 210, 211, 378, 379. 

Faauet in Britanny, 217, 384. 

Fave, Lodovico de la, receives the Flemish 
ambassador, 22 February 1508, 110. 

Ferdinand I. and IL kings of Naples, 238. 

Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, 161, 332. 
Receive the English ambassadors, 
170, 340. | 

Ferdinand IL. of Spain, called the Catholic, 
88, 228, 235, 236. His ambassa- 
dors, 157, 158, 328, 329, King of 
Naples, 107. King of Arragon only, 
103, 240-28], 431. Escapes assas- 
sination, 114. His mode of life, 
277. Personal appearance, 277-8. 
Wealth, 279. 

Ferdinando, Gunsulo. See Fernandes. 

[Ferdinandus] Gondesalvas, (‘rector” in 
the household of Arthur prince of 
Wales. See Rymer, x11. 759.) 

promoted to the archdeaconry of York, 

108. » 








468 


Fernand Alvares, secretary, 169, 181, 339, 
353. 

Fernandes, Gonsalo, the captain of Naples, 
239, 268, 279, 280. 

Fernando, duke, of Naples, steward of the 
queen of Naples, 224, 226, 227. 

Ferrer, monsieur, 445. 

Finisterre, cape of, 197, 366. 

Fire raising in London, apprehended, 129, 
123. 

Fitzgerald, Gerald, son of the earl of Kil- 
dare, 115. 
Fitz James, Richard, bishop of London, 
preaches at Panl’s Cross, 100. 
Flanders, 119, 124, 440, 448. Ambasea- 
dors from, 100, 109-111, 114, 115, 
120, 122, 124, 129. Spanish am- 
bassador in, 251. Arrival of Maxi- 
milian in (1508), 120. Departure 
of the archduchess Joan to, 400, 
402, 432. Commercial intercourse 
with, 83, 84. . 

Florence and Venice, despatches to, from 
Constantinople in 1507, 102. 

Florence, a merchant of. See Nichode- 
mus. 

Florentii, Adrianus, 394. 

Foix, madame de (second queen of Fer- 
dinand of Arragon), 278. 

Fontarabia in Spain, 246. 

Fording Brigs, 209, 377. 

Foreat (?) in Britanny, 218, 386. 

Fouuet in Britanny, 217, 384. 

Fox, Richard, bishop of Winchester and 
lord privy seal, ix., 33, 100, 103. 

France, embassy from, 55. Invaded by 
Henry VIL, 58. Union of England 
and Spain against, 240. Relations 
with Arragon, 272. Ambassadors 
of, 47, 99, 103, 104, 107, 108, 111- 
116, 121, 127. Mention of, 119. 

France, king of. See Charles VIII. 
Lewis XII. 

France, queen of, her ambassador from 
Spain (qu. Britanny?], (1508), 110. 

Francis IL, duke of Britanny, 23, 

Fransoys, a Dominican friar, 394. 


the princess Catherine of Arragon, 

278. 

“Gellius, Aulus, grammarian, 43. 

Genoese, the; a poem concerning them 
presented to Henry VII. (1507), 
102. 

Genoese and Venetians; their celebration 
of the feasts of St. George and St. 
Mark respectively in 1508, 121. 

Germaine de Foix, queen of Arragon, 
second wife of Ferdinand the Catho- 
lie, 434, 447. 

German ambassadors, 47, 121, 

German merchants (of the Steelyard?) 
plundered by French pirates (1507), 
99. 


German soldiers, a band of, 127. 
Gibon, Jean, secretary of the duchess of 
Britany, 205, 376. 





loughby, Robert, lord Bro 

Grand Turk, death of the, in 1507, 100. 

Graystok, lord, carried off by the sweating 
sickness, (1508), 128. 

“ Greece,” “a duchess of the parties of, 
224, 297, 

Greenwich, 109, 115, 117, 123,125. Tour- 
nament at, 120, Sweating sickness 
at, 128. 

Guarino, of Verona, grammarian, 43, 

Gueldres, 101, 111. 





Gueldres (—),duke of, 268, 441, 
Guernsey, 202, 870, 871. 
Guimine, seigneur de, 207, 213, 975, 381. 


INDEX. 


H. 


Hailstorm and thunder in winter, 101. 

Hamilton, earl of, arrives from Scotland 
with his brother Patrick, 105. En- 
_tertained by the lord mayor, and one 
‘of the sheriffs, 105. Visits Henry 
VIL. at Richmond, 107. 

Hamilton, Patrick, of Kincavill, 105. 

Hampton. See Southampton. 

Hampton Court, Henry VII. at, in 1508, 
104. 

Hanse, a merchant of the, drowned in the 
Thames, 1508, 121. 

Haro, count of, constable of Castile, 164, 
169, 171, 174, 175, 179, 334, 339, 
341, 342, 348. 

Hatfield, Henry VII. visits his mother the 
countess of Richmond at, 127. 

Hawking. See Woking. 


Hawte, al a priest. His death (1508), 


Hellis, Nicholas, of Louvain, 394. 
“ Hemertoniæ comes.” See “ Hamilton, 
‘ earl of.” 


Hennebon, in Britanny, 207, 212, 216, 221, 
375, 380, 383, 388. 

Henry V., Catherine queen of, 11. 

Henry VI., 12-14, 18, 20-23. 

Henry VII. His birth, xxiii, xxiv., 12; 
royal descent by both parents, 9-11; 
Early years, 12, 13. Henry VI.’s 
prophecy concerning him, 14. Sent 
abroad, ib.; under the care of the 
earl of Pembroke, 16; driven on 
the coast of Britanny, 17. Edward 
IV. tries to get him into his power, 
23. Leaves Britanny, 24; and goes 
to France, ib.; received by Charles 
VIIL, 25; invades England, 29- 
$2; arrives in London, 34, 36; 
his marriage, 37, 38; invadcs 
France, 58; returns, 60; honors 
bestowed upon him by popes In- 
nocent VIII., Alexander VL, and 
Julius II., 85. Suffers from gout, 
108, 109; compared to Hercules, 


465 


Henry VII.—cont. 

64, 188-158, 307-327. His embassy 
to Spain and Portugal in 1488, 
157-199, 328-368 ; his embassics 
to Britanny, 200, 211, 369, 379. 
His projected marriage with the 
young queen of Naples, 236. Ilis 
projected marriage with Margaret 
of Savoy, 424, 425. His title con- 
firmed by pope Innocent VLII., 396. 
His character, 82, 83. Ferdinand 
the Catholic’s opinion of him, 245. 
His repute among the Spaniards, 
255. 

Henry duke of York, second son of Henry 
VII. (afterwards Henry VIIL), 
his birth, 58; dowry for his mar- 
riage, 109; exercises himself in 
tournament, 116, 124; sweating 
sickness in his household, 128; his 
contracted marriage with Catherine 
of Arragon, 281. Mentioned as 
prince of Wales, 241, 245, 255, 256, 
260, 417, 420." 

Henry IV. king of Castile, brother of queen 
Isabella, 151, 332. 

Herbert, lord, 278; made lord chamber- 
lain, 121. 

Hercules, Henry VII. compared to, 64, 
133-153, 307-327. 

Hobby, John, vicar of Falmouth, 160, 331. 

Homer, 6, 43. 

Hontonyn. See Ontonim. 

Hungarian ambassador sent to Henry VIT., 
47. 

Hunting, Henry VII. indulges in, 116, 
127. 

Huse, or Ilussy, lord, created controller of 
the king's household, 106 ; death of 
his wife, 121 ; visited by the king, 
128, 


I. 


Indies, East and West, progress of the 
Portuguese in, 1508, 122. 
Indulgence, papal, 114, 116. 
G G 








466 


Innocent VILL, pope, sends Henry VIL a 
present, 46; confirms his title, 396, 

Ireland, rebellion in (in favor of Simnel), 
49. Perkin Warbeck there, 66. 

Isabella of Castile, queen of Ferdinand II. 
of Arragon, 400, 402, 444. Her 
death, 244, 246, 415, 416. See 
aloo Ferdinand and Isabella. 

Isabella, daughter of Ferdinand and Isa- 
Della, infanta of Spain, 175, 179, 
345, 849, 352. 

Ismael, the great Sophi of Persia, 102, 106, 
112, 

Italian merchants, 106, 125, 127. 

Italy, Maximilian leads his army into 
(1507), 100. 


J. 


James IV. king of Scotland, favors Perkin 
Warbeck, 70; is compared to the 
bull that Hereules conquered, 144, 
318; sends Snowdon herald to Cas- 
tile, 159, 880. 

Jayme de Albyon, 433. 

Jennot, one of Perkin Warbeck’s captains, 
148, 322, 

Teronima, donia, daughter of the conde of 
Albaydas, 226. 

Jerusalem, 112. 

Joan of Castile, daughter of Ferdinand and 
Isabella, wife of Philip archduke of 





400, 402 ; as queen of Castile, 247— 
249, 257, 272, 274, 415, 416, 426, 
429, 445-447, 

Joan, “the old queen of Naples,” widow of 
Ferdinand I, 223-228, 237-239, 
269-271. 

Joan, “the young queen of Naples,” widow 
of Ferdinand IL, 223-239, 268, 
270, 

John, king of Castile, 161, 332. 

John, son of Ferdinand and Isabella of 
Spain, 177, 179, 182, 346, 849, 352, 





INDEX. 


Johnson, a citizen of London take 
tuary at St Martin’sle 
(1508), 109. 

Josselin in Britanny, 218, 385. 

Joana. See Joan of Castile. 

Julius IL, pope, embassy sent to t 
Henry VIL, 84 ; attempt to 
sinate him, 103 ; ramor of his 
114. 

Juno, Margaret of Burgundy comps 
65-68, 134, 308. 

Jopiter, 64. 


K. 

Kent, attempted invasion of, by : 
Warbeck, 66, 67. 

Kent, Richard, earl of, tilts with lord 
Stafford, 111; with prince ] 
112; breaks his arm, ib. 

Kildare, Gerald, son of the earl of 
Fitsgerald. 


Killigrew, Thomas, 160, 350. 

Kyntanilhs, Alonso de, 169, 339. 

Kyrkeby, John, sheriff of London ( 
99. 


L. 


Labastide, de, duel of the « 
Hamilton with, 106. 

Lambeth, 125. Tonrnaments at, 106 

Lamego, bishop of, 191, 193, 360, 36: 

Lancarneau in Britanny, 221, 388. 

Lancaster, John (of Gaunt), duke of, 

Lanestossa in Castile, 168, 164, 334, 

Langle (Langley), 100, 124. 

Lannoy, Petrus de, dominos de Fre 
394, 

Lantregier in Britanny, 208, 372. 

Laredo in Biscay, 162, 168, 833, 394, 
403. 

Lasquez, Jehan de, 176, 346. 

Launceston, 199, 367. 

Laval, countess de, 204, 213, 214, 217, 
373, 380, 382, 384, 388. 

La Vente in Spain, 186, 356, 





INDEX. 


Leon, the grand commendador of, 169, 
339. 
Lewis XII. king of France, 114, 121, 128, 
243, 254 ; at peace with Ferdinand 
the Catholic (1505), 88; prepares an 
expedition against Milan (1507), 
100; sends Henry VII. a horse, 
101; makes peace with Maximilian, 
108, 104; his conquest of Naples, 
238; his almoner the bishop of Ross 
in Scotland, 101. 
Licaon, comte de [qu. earl of Lincoln ?], 
comes to England to destroy Henry 
VIL, 189, 314. 
Liliis, de. See Giglis. 
Lincoln, John De la Pole earl of; his re- 
bellion, 50, 52. See also Licaon. 
Lisbon, 186, 275, 356. English merchants 
there, 196, 365. 
Lisieux [Lyseus], canons of, 128. 
Livy, 43. 
London, 67; three citizens of, take sanc- 
tuary at St. Martin's-le-Grand, 
109; merchants of, 196, 365. 

——— bishop of (William Barons or 
Barnes) preaches at Paul's Cross, 
100; says mass for the soul of 
Elizabeth of York, 109; his chan- 
cellor thrown into the tower, 
121. 

Loparoys, a servant of De Puebla, seized 
by the citizens on London-bridge in 
revenge for the death of Reynes- 
ford, 105. 

Lopez, Inigo, de Mendoca, 176, 346. 

Lord’s Prayer, a poem upon the, 102. 

Louvain, 394. The French attempt to 
besiege it (1507), 100. 

Lovell, master. The king visits him and 
his mother at Eltham, 127. 

Lowes, John, 128. 


Lacan, the Roman poet, 28, 43. 

Lacemborgh, Jaques de, xxxix, 

Luck, John and Peter, of Falmouth, 160, 
330, 331. 

Ladovico [Sforza], duke of Milan. His 
death, 119. 

Laxembourg, 116. 


467 


Luxembourg, Francis seigneur de, ambas- 


sador of France in England, 55. 
Lyon, John, 129. 
Lyons, 114. 
M. 


Machado, Roger, Richmond king of arms, 
notices of, xxxviii-xlv.; entertains 
the French ambassadors, 104; sent to 
Spain, 157, 159, 194, 196, 328, 330, 
363, 365; to Britanny, 200, 211, 
369, 379. 

Madoureira, Fernand- Alvarez, 189, 359. 

Magical arts professed by an apostate 
friar, who is thrown into prison, 
109. 

Majorca, bishop of, afterwards archbishop 
of Granada, 438. 

Malaga in Spain, 263, 280. 

Malaga, the bishop of, 169, 170, 339, 340, 
445, 446. 

Malétroit in Britanny, 204, 217, 372, 384, 
385. 

Manrique, Pero, 405, 407, 409, 419, 421. 

Mans, Madame de, xxxix. 

Manuel, don Juan, creates disturbances in 
Spain, 102. Is pardoned and re- 
ceived into favor, 7b.; ambassador 
of Spain at the Court of Maximilian, 
268, 410, 412. 

Manuel, dofia Elvira, wife of Pero Man- 
rique and maid of honor to Cathe- 
rine of Arragon, 276, 405, 407-409, 
419, 421. 

Marche, monsieur de la, 204, 372. 

Margaret of Anjou, queen of Henry VL, 
21. 


Margaret sister of Edward IV., and widow 
of Charles duke of Burgundy. Her 
machinations against Henry VIL., 
50, 65; compared to Juno, 65-68, 
134, 308; to Menalippe, 141, 315, 
316; to one of the heads of Geryon, 
145, 319; her appeal to the Pope in 
behalf of Perkin Warbeck, 393- 
399, 


ag 2 


Matoezo, Gil, 189, 358. 

‘Maximilian king of the Romans, 12, 68, 

116, 265, 275; sends an embassy 

to Henry VIL, 57; at war with 

France, 99; leads his army into 

Italy, 100, 101; rumored peace 

between him and Lewis XIL, 103, 

104, 121; his army on the horders 

of the Venetians, 107,111; rumored 

defeat of, 116; arrival in Flanders, 

119, 1 

1 

Geryon, 145, 319; to the dragon of 

the Hesperides, 148, 323; ambas- 
sadors of, in England, 122, 129; in 
Spain, 272. 

Mayor of London elected, 1507, 99; his 
death, 113. 

Medina Celi, a claimant of the dukedom 
of, 258, 











Montauban, Philippe de, chancellor of Bri- 







tanny, in England, 209, 377. 
Monterey, count of, 170, 340. 
Montorio, the countess de, 224, 296, 227, 











Spain (Feb. 1508), 110. 
Mortlake, Henry VIL. hunts at, 122. 
Morus, Ludovieus [Sforza] duke of Milan, 

his death, 119. 

‘Mountjoy, lord, visited by the king, 129, 


INDEX. 


Moyea, marquis de, constable of the castle 
of Segovia, 277. 

Marcia, kingdom of, 167, 337. 

Murray, bishop of, the Scotch ambassador, 
brings news of the pregnancy of the 
Queen of Scots (1508), 120. Goes 
to the Austin Friars, ib. 

Musicians, four Norman musicians visit 
Henry VIL, 116. 

Musillac in Britanny, 204, 373. 


N. 
Nevius, 6. 
Najara (“ Anajara”), duke of, 251,,252, 262, 
440. 


Nanfan, John, bastard son of Richard, 184, 
353. 

Nanfan, Sir Richard, knight of the king’s 
body, sent with Savage and Ma- 
chado into Spain, 157, 159, 160, 
170, 172, 192, 194, 195, 198, 328, 
330, 331, 340, 361, 363, 364, 367. 

Nantes in Britanny, 213, 214, 381, 382. 
Threatened with siege, 206, 212, 
374, 380. 

Naples, 447 ; great slaughter at, 88 ; Fer- 
dinand the Catholic in, 432; his 
departure from, 425, 428. Ambas- 
sadors of, at the court of Aragon, 

272. 

kingdom of, 261, 262, 265, 279, 

280. 

queens of, the old and young, 223. 

Nichodemus, a Florentine merchant, brings 
news of the Portuguese acquisitions 
in India and Africa, 1508, 122. 

Norbury, John, 204, 372. 

Normandy, four ecclesiastics skilled in 
music come from Normandy, 116. 

Norroy king of arms. See Machado. 

Northumberland, ear! of, slain by rebels in 
the north, 47. Verses by Bernard 
André on his death, 48. 

Norton, Sampeon, 208, 214, 376, 382. 

Norwich, great fires at, 115, 119, 

Nyenbolt, Laurence, burgess of Southamp- 
ton, 159, $30. 








469 


O. 


Observant Friars, two, sent by Ferdinand 
of Aragon to the queens of Naples, 
269. 

Oby. See Hobby. 

Ogilvy, Walter. His panegyric of Henry 
VIL, Ixii, 


Onaty, conde de, 253. 

Ontomin in Spain, 164, 334. 

Opicius, Johannes. His poems, viii., xvii., 
lx. 


Oran in Barbary, enterprise of Ferdinand 
of Aragon against, 263, 280. 

king of, 280. 

Orange, prince of, 204, 213, 217, 373, 381, 
384 


Osma, bishop of, 277. 

Outrage in the church of St. Augustine by 
a Spanish courier, 114. 

Ovid, 43. 

Oviedo, bishop of, 170, 340. 

Oxford, earl of, 27,125. His speech 
to the earl of Richmond, 27-29. His . 
progress in Wales, 30. 

Oze, dominus, the lord Henry, which see. 





P. 


Padstow in Cornwall, 198, 367. 

Palencia, bishop of, 169, 251, 252, 276, 
339, 433, 438. 

Palencia, duke of, 169, 339. 

Palice, the seigneur de la, said to be the 


captain of a band of pirates, 99. 
Pannonia, i.e. Hungary. See Hungarian 
ambassador. 
Paris, hospital of, 123. 


Parisian divine, a, 113. 

Parker, James, 208, 214, 376, 382. 

Parronus, Willielmus, astrological treatise 
by, lxiii. 

Pascarell, a Neapolitan, physician to the 
old and young queens of Naples, 
235, 236, 238, 269. 

Paul’s Cross, 114. 


of Geryon, 145, 319; as king o 
Castile, 84, 247-249, 257, 274, 417, 


Plascencia in Spain, 185, 355. 
Plascencia, bishop of, 251. 
Plusentia, duke of, 171, 184, 842, 954, 


in Britanny, 203, 372. 

Plutarch's Lives of Alexander the Great 
and Casar, 5. 

‘Plymouth, 158, 159, 829, 390. 

Plymouth, the mayor of, 160, 830. 

Poem, concerning the Genoese, presented 
to Henry VIL (1508), 108, 

Pole, Edmund de la, earl of Suffolk, 267, 
302, 410, 412. 





Portuguese ambassador sent to Henry VIL, 
AT. 
young lady, a favorite of the 
infhnta of Spain, 175, 179, 345, 
Poubla, See Puebla. 
Poylya, the (Apulia), 238, 
Prayers, public, on account of the sweating 
sickness, 127, 
Prétre, John le, 218, 222, 385, 389. 


Puebla, Rodrigo de Ia, doctor of law, 
ambassador of Ferdinand and Isa- 
bella in England, 158, 159, 166, 
184, 242, 258, 266, 328, 396, 354, 
415, 416, 443, 444; visited in sick- 
ness by Henry VIL, 104; visits the 
king at Woking, 105; despatches 
addressed to him, 400-414, 417-430; 





INDEX. 


Puebla—cont. 
his character, 273; his son precentor 
of St. Paul’s, 105. See also Spanish 
ambassador. 


Q. 


Quentin, one of Perkin Warbeck's captains, 
148, 322. 

Querdes, seigneur des, [called by some 
writers the lord Cordes, and by Bern. 
André dominus de Cordis], 58, 59. 

Quimper Corentin, 221, 388. 

Quintin, seigneur de, 208, 376. 


R. 


Radnap, a citizen of London, takes sanc- 
tuary at St Martin’s-le-Grand 
(1508), 109. 


Red, John, tutor to Arthar prince of Wales, 
43 


Redondo in Portagal, 189, 358. 

Remus, 64. 

Rennes, 214, 218, 382, 385. 

Revielle Vallegiere in Spain, 167, 168, 
338. 

Reyalls, the, palace near Valencia in Spain, 
223. 

Reynesford, a servant of Dr. West killed 
by the Spanish ambassador’s ser- 
vants (1508), 104. The citisens in 
revenge seize one of the supposed 
assailants, 105. 

Reynesford, a knight, attacks some Italian 
merchants on the road to Oldford, 


125. 

Rhodes, the master of, proposed as leader 
of a crusade against the Turks, 
411, 418. 

Ribadavia, count of, 169, 171, 840, 342. 

Ribaden, count of, 171, 342, 


471 


Richard IIL, king of England (as duke of 
Gloucester) the reputed murderer 
of Henry VI., 19, 23; usurps the 
crown, 24; informed of the ear! of 
Richmond’s invasion, 31; his burial, 
84; compared to the boar of Ar- 
cadia, 138, 139, 312, 313. 

Richard duke of York alleged to be alive 
in Henry VIL's time, 397-398. 

Riche, Daniel, notary public, 399. 

Richmond, 86, 100, 101, 103, 106-109, 
112, 122-195. 

Richmond, Henry VIL's title, 64. 

Richmond, Edmund earl of, 9. 

Margaret countess of, mother of 

Henry VIL., 11, 23, 127. 

Richmond king of arms. See Machado. 

Rieux, marshal de, 200, 211, 213, 214, 
381, 382, 216, 221, 369, 379, 383, 
384, 388, 389. 

Roche, the seigneur de la, 218, 219, 386, 
387. 

Roche Bernart in Britanny, 215, 382. 

Rocheffort in Britanny, 215, 382. 

Rocio, hostel of, in Portugal, 195, 364. 

Rogas, commander of the Order of Cala- 
trava, 219, 386. 

Rohan, seigneur de, 208, 376. 

Romans, Maximilian king of the, 12, 114, 
127; ambassadors from, 99. 

Romulus, 64. 

Ross, in Scotland, the bishop of, almoner 
of Lewis XII. of France, 101. 

Rouen, cardinal (d’Amboise) archbishop 
of, 82, 103, 128. 

Rouen harpers, 119. 

Rouen merchants, 111. 

Rowncideval, Our Lady of, Henry VIL 
determines to build a hospital near, 
123 

Rue de Poirquo in Spain, 186, 356. 





S. 


St. Ambrose, quotations from, 89-94. 
St. George, a relic of, sent to Henry VIL, 
82. . 


St, Paul de Leon in Britanny, 212, 380. 
St. Peter Port, Guernsey, 282, 371. 
‘St. Sebastian’s in Guipusca, 237. 
Salamanea, Alonzo de, 165, 335. Scotya, John de, servant of Catherine of, 


Aragon, 434. 
Sea-fish, a remarkable, in the 
‘Thames, 115. ba 
Segovia in Spain, 245, 269, 276, 420, 433, 
—— bishop of, 169, 339, 438. 
Salmoral in Spain, 184, 354, —— castle of, 277. 
Salvage. See Savage. Senegavensis, cardinal, 107. 
Salvamonto, don Diego, 176, 346. Sepoulveda, John de, knight of the house- 
Sancho de Blasquo, don, 169, 339, hold of the king of Castile, ambas~ 
Sanctæ Crucis, cardinal, 112, 121, sador of Ferdinand and Isabella, 
Sanctuary, three citizens of London fly to 158, 159, 170, 184, 828, 340, 354. 
(1508), 109. Setonnel in Portugal, 195, 364, 
Sandenjesco in Spain, 164, 334. Seville, 445. 
Saragossa, 164, 335. Seville, archbishop of, 251, 276. 
Saragossa, archbishop of, bastard son of | [Sforza], Ludovico, 119. 
Ferdinand the Catholic, 280. Shaftesbury, 199, 209, 368, 377. 








INDEX. 


Shaundé, Philibert de, leader of the expe- 
dition of the earl of Richmond 
(afterwards Henry VII.) into Eng- 
land, 25, 29. 

Sheffelde [Sir Robert), recorder of London, 
resigns his office, 115. 

Shene, 127. 

Sherborn, Robert, dean of St. Paul's, after- 
wards bishop of St David's, sent on 
an embassy to Rome, 84; made 
bishop of Chichester, 106. 

Sheriff of London, a, entertains the French 
ambassador at a banquet (1508), 
108. 

Shipwrecks, in the winter of 1507-08, 111. 

Shirboarn, Robert. See Sherborn. 

Shrewsbury, earl of, to be sent with a force 
to Britanny, 207, 375. 

Sicily, kingdom of, 251. 

Sickness in London, 88. 

Silius Italicus, 43. 

Simeon, See Symeon. 

Simnel, Lambert, 49. (Bernard André 
does not mention him by name). 

Smithe, Thomas, an English merchant at 
Lisbon, 196, 365. 

Snowdon herald, of Scotland, 159, 177, 330 
347. 

Somerset, John (Beaufort), earl of, 12. 

John, duke of, father of Margaret, 

countess of Richmond, 12. 
eSougs sung in praise of the tournaments 
(1508), by a minstrel of Sir Charles 
Brandon, 112. 

Sophi, the, of Persia, at war with the 
Turks, 102, 106, 112. 

Soreat (?) in Britanny, 218, 386. 

Sorlingue, island of, 198, 367. 

Sorya, a household servant of the queen of 
Naples, 236. 

Souarp. See Swart. 

Soussa or Sousso, Ruy de, 190, 195, 360, 
8364. 

Southampton, or Hampton, 199, 200, 209- 
211, 368, 369, 377-379 ; embassa- 
dors to Spain embark at, 157, 158, 
328, 329 ; a merchant's servant who 
had been an agent there, 163, 333. 








473 
Southwark, a conflagration at, 122. 
Spain, affairs of, 102 ; embassy sent to, in 
1488, 157. 


Spanish ambassadors sent to Henry VII, 
47,108. The Spanish ambassador's 
(De Puebla’s) servants kill a servant 
of Dr. West, 104. Arrival of Gut- 
tiere Gomez de Fuensalida, 109, 
110. He goes to see a tournament, 
111. Iiiness of his predecessor (De 
Puebla), 104, 111. 

Spanish courier, outrage by a, 114. 

Spanish and Italian merchants present with 
the king at Wanstead, 1508, 127. 

Speed’s History of Great Britain, xvi., xxv., 
xxxiv. 

Spring, an early (1508), 108. 

Stafford, lord Henry, brother of Edward 
duke of Buckingham, 106, 111. 

Staines, 124. 

[Stanley, James], bishop of Ely, 108, 125. 

Stanley, Thomas, lord (afterwards earl of 
Derby), 33. 

Stanley, sir William, his conspiracy against 
Henry VIL., 69. 

Statins, 54, 55. 

Stile, John, 228, 242, 242, 270. His de- 
spatch to Henry VII. written after 
the king's death, 431-448. Notices 
of, liii. 

» Dr., a preacher of the Order of 
Hermits of St Augustine, his death, 
120. 

Storms, 101, 110. 

Stratford, 126. 

Sturgeon, a live, brought from Flanders to 
Henry VIL, 115. 

Suetonius, 43. 

Suffolk, Edmund De la Pole, earl of, 267, 
$02, 410, 412. 

Sulpicius, grammarian, 43 

Saltan, the, 112. 

Surrey, Thomas, earl of, lord treasurer, 
goes on an embassy to Calais (1507), 
100. His retarn, 103. Sweating 
sickness in his household, 126. 

Satton ? [Sutam], Dr., implicated in a con- 
spiracy, 69. 





Stok, 


7 





‘Terrasona, bishop of, 277, 
‘Tewksbury, battle of, 21. 








Valais, the, in Switzerland, 111. 

Valasius, Lusitanise Scutifer, procurator, 
893-395, 398, 

“Valdastilhas, pont de, in Spain, 169, 339, 
Toledo, don Pedro de, 176, 846, ‘YValena, marquis de, 253. 
Saree master, provincial of the Augus- | Valencia in Spain, 223, 246, 269-270, 274, 
tine Friars, re-elected for three - 447, 

years, 127. 


Tordesillas, 445, 446, 

Torquemada in Spain, 168, 388. 43, 

Torres, Martin de, chaplain of queen Isa- | Valladolid, 161, 163, 168, 169, 332, 333, 
bella of Spain, 158, 159, 329. 338, 339, 448. 


INDEX. 


Vannes in Britanny, 208, 205, 208, 212, 
215, 372, 374, 376, 380, 383. 

Vantado, don Francisco de le, 176. 

Vaughan, Hugh, 105, 123. 

Vedegcira in Portugal, 189, 190, 359. 

Vega, Fernando de, 438. 

Velasius, See Valasius. 

Velasquo, don Diego de, 176, 346. 

——— John de, 176, 346. 

Velena, marquis of, 251. 


Venetians, the, at war with Maximilian, 


111, 114, 116; celebrate St. Mark’s 
day, 121; the Turks seek their aid 
against the Sophi, 106. 

Venice, 102, 112. 

Venison sent by the king to the ambas- 
sadors of Flanders and Maximilian, 
125. 

Verey, monsieur de, ambassador of the 
archduke Philip in Spain, 248, 272. 

Vergil, Polydore, promoted to the arch- 
deaconry of Wales (1508), 108. 

Vilhar, 185, 355. 

Villa Nueva in Spain, 167, 338, 

Villa Santa in Spain, 164, 334. 

Villa Vicossa in Portugal, 183, 357. 

Villena, marquis de, 440. 

Ville Real, marquis de, 191, 193, 360, 
362. 

Vintners resorting to Bordeaux complain 
of the French pirates, 1537, 99. 

Virgil, 43. 

Viridi Valle, Ludovicus de, 399. 

Visque, Jennot de, 176, 346. 

Visseu, duke of, 192, 361. 

Vitellius, Cornelius. His epigram in reply 
to Gaguinus, 56. 


W. 


Wales, Henry VIL brought up in, 13. 

Wales, archdeaconry of, 101. 

Wales, prince of. See Arthur, Edward 
(son of Henry VI.), Henry. 

Wales, princess of. See Catherine of 


Arragon. 
Wallo, leader of the Welsh, 10. 


475. 


Wandsworth (“ Wanworth ” and “ Wen- 
worte ” in Bern. André), 122-124. 

Wanstead in Essex, 109, 126, 128. 

Warbeck, Perkin, a native of Tournay, set 
up to personate the younger son of. 
Edward IV., 65, 141, 316. Goes 
to France, 66; thence to Flanders, 
tb. ; and afterwards to Ireland, tb. 
His attempt on the Kentish coast, 
ib. His reception in Scotland by 
James IV., 70. His marriage, tb. 
His descent on Cornwall, 15. He 
besieges Exeter, 71. He flies to 
sanctuary, 72. His wife brought 
to the king, :6.; who sends her to 
the queen, 75. Compared to the 
robber Cacus, 146, 147, 320, 321. 
Appeal to the Pope in his favor, 
393-399. 

Warham, William, archbishop of Canter- 
bury, as lord chancellor, 109, 110. 

Warwick, Richard earl of (the king-maker), 
20. 

Wenworte. See Wansworth. 

West (Nicholas), Dr., 100, 104, 110. 

Westminster, Henry VII. at, in 1507, 
101, 

Weymouth, 201, 370. 

Willoughby, Robert, lord Broke, Grand 
Master of England, 212, 215, 219, 
220, 379, 383, 386, 387. 

Wilmar (?) forest of, 210, 378. 

Wilson, Thomas, of Southampton, 159. 
330. 

Wiltshire, Sir John, controller of Calais, 
115. 

Winchester, Henry VIL at, 39. 

Windsor, 115, 124, 199, 368. 

Wingfield ( ), and Baker return from 
Maximilian (1508), 108. 

Wingfield [“ Wyndfeld ”], John, his death, 
102. 

Wiweires, Wieres, 197, 366. 

Woking, 100, 104, 105. 

Woodstock (“ Cædua Silva”), 99, 100. 

Woodville, Richard, 204, 212, 372, 380. 

Worcester, Silvester de Giglis, bishop of, 
86, 122, 123. 








CORRIGENDA. 


Page 31, dele note 2 and read Sic, for “ cominus.” 

112, L 20, for quidem read quidam. 

129, L 5, for ventitabant read ventitabat. 

162, L 3 from bottom, for lieus read liens, 

169, 1, 28 . 

ve 1 3 fromm bottom J #7 Bibedania read Ribadavie. 

211, L 2, for 1490 read 149 , (leaving the note Sic at the bottom of 
the page, there being no cipher in the MS.) 

227, L 8 from bottom, to the word “of” append this note “Sic in 
Cott. Om. in printed copy.” 

$13, L 8 from bottom, for fought read sported. 

331, L 3 from bottom, dele full stop after Tuesday, and alter “ And we 
were obliged ” into “ and was insufficient for us.” 





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